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Examined is the theme that English culture is suffused with deference to political authority. Using a definition of political deference derived from the literature, little quantitative evidence was found to support the assumption that political deference is widespread among the electorate. Using evidence relating to deference among the next generation of electors, an attempt is made to assess the persistence of political deference in England. Evidence is taken from an exploratory survey of 547 fourth form pupils in Southeast England. Levels of political deference in the sample were measured using a four-item scale derived through a factor analytic procedure used on a number of multiple-choice items specifically fashioned to tap elements of deference. The levels measured suggested English adolescents are not particularly deferential, even as compared to an, albeit smaller, sample of American adolescents. In addition, factors such as type of school, school authority patterns, & SC -- which others have cited as contributing to the British approach to political authority -- explain relatively little variance in levels of deference. Moreover, evidence is provided that previous observers may have been amiss in neglecting the importance of party identification, in that there appears to be a kind of conditional deference among supporters of the governing party. AA.

This book analyses the relationship between youth and participation, looking specifically at those repertories of involvement that are commonly clustered under the concept of "unconventional political participation". The author focuses on the connections between youth practices of participation and youth conditions in contemporary society. Drawing from the analysis of three ethnographic case studies conducted on experiences of youth participation in Italy and Sweden, the circumstances and the reasons leading young people to express their political ideas through forms of engagement located outside the realm of "formal politics" are explored. The book seeks to bring back the specificities of contemporary youth at the centre of the analysis of youth practices of participation, highlighting their often overlooked socio-historical and generational 'situatedness'.

Not many young people actively participate in or take part directly in political contestation and become part of the success of winning the contest. In this paper, it reveals the strategies of the youth to win political contestation and become a member of the DPRD of Medan City for the period 20142019, within the scope of a democratic system and succeeded in becoming one of the elected parts to represent the community in the regional legislature. The purpose of this paper is to encourage more democratic political development in increasing the participation of young groups in developing their regions. The methodology used in this paper is a qualitative approach that produces descriptive data.

AbstractThe ability to act politically is supposedly one of the core competencies of youth workers in Germany. Surprisingly, there is little knowledge about political activities of youth workers in Germany and elsewhere. In this article, I address this research gap by questioning how youth workers act politically. I present findings from the qualitative research project "civic education in youth work" and provide insights into the narrated practices of the interviewed youth workers in their contact with local politics and authorities. Based on a reconstructive interpretation using the documentary method (Bohnsack in Documentary Method. In U. Flick (Ed.), The sage handbook of qualitative analysis (pp. 217–233). Sage, 2014; Nohl in Narrative interview and documentary interpretation. In R. Bohnsack, N. Pfaff, & W. Weller (Eds.), Qualitative Analysis and Documentary Method in International Education Research (pp. 195–217). Barbara Budrich, 2010), I am able to identify three different types of political practices of youth workers and their underlying implicit orientations. There are youth workers who are reluctant to engage politically, who engage only in the face of an immediate threat, or who engage politically as part of their professional role as youth workers.

Social, economic and political injustice promotes violence among youth. Political parties involved in Nepali democratic upheavals resort to violence; this is where youth are portrayed as major actors in performing violent acts. Youths have always taken part in these political struggles. Political parties have used facts that relate to people suffering from various miseries as a means of manoeuvring and mobilizing youth to participate in armed struggles and uprisings. One would expect these violent episodes to have decreased as the country is now transitioning from armed conflict towards a sustainable peace, but instead post-war Nepal has been continuously facing challenges that youth are posing through their violent behaviours. Addressing issues of unemployment, a corrupt political culture, nepotism and inappropriate political socialization are factors which require urgent responses with political commitment to stop youth participation in political violence. One way to realize this would be to encourage youth engagement in positive peace-building endeavours in Nepal.

The article investigates the impact of being unemployed on political marginalisation among young people. Are unemployed youth politically marginalised compared with employed youth? Is the impact of unemployment on political marginalisation related to the development of the welfare state? Based on Marshall's concept of social citizenry, and Esping‐Andersen's theory of decommodification politics, the impact of unemployment on political marginalisation was expected to be least in the most‐developed welfare states. In these countries, welfare policies were expected to counteract marginalisation among the unemployed. The analyses were based on the Eurobarometer survey Young Europeans from 1990. Three aspects of political marginalisation were investigated: political confidence, political interest and political extremism. Unemployed youth express less confidence in politics, they talk less about politics and they more frequently support revolutionary political ideas, compared with employed youth. The greatest difference in political confidence between unemployed and employed is found in Great Britain, while Italy represents a deviant case where the unemployed have more confidence than the employed. The development of the welfare state does not appear to be a crucial factor for political confidence among the unemployed.

India is a very "young country" it is anticipated that fifty four percent of our inhabitants is belo w the age of 25 and rest is trying to look that way which made them important segment, and hope of the future of our country lies upon them. However youth of character, intelligence, self sacrificing can shape thedestiny of the nation. Youth devoid of energy, suffering from inertia and dullness, without bravery and mental vitality are bound to lead us nowhere. Before 1947 the value based leadership channelizes the energy and power of youth in a good way and made our country free from colonial rule. And the first Lok Sabha election were held 1952 largely the young freedom fighters jumped into the electoral contests to contribute in national building task. Since then youth participation in politics and governance has declined steadily because of certain obstacles.

A popular theme in the literature on British government and politics describes British culture as suffused with deference to political authority. However, recently observers have begun to question whether political deference is characteristic of the British public. They argue the need to reexamine the extent of deference in the light of changes in the political culture. Accordingly, this note critically examines the hypothesis concerning political deference with respect to England specifically, and presents some evidence relating to deference among the younger generation there. We can thereby assess the persistence of political deference and explore some hypotheses concerning the sources of political deference in England.

A striking aspect of the South Korean political protest movement of the 1970s, 1980s and early 1990s was the frequent self-immolation of young Korean activists. The author attempts to interpret the personal meanings of political suicides through an analysis of notes, letters, and diaries left by seventeen young Korean activists. (DÜI-Sen)

Placing the field sites in their context : a demographic history -- Why didn't you take a side? : the emergence of youth categories, institutions and groups -- Siblings are as different as the five fingers of a hand? : developmental cycle of domestic groups and siblingship -- The gift of youth? : workers, religious actors and migrants -- The only thing in life that makes you feel like a king? : marriage as an indicator of social and demographic changes -- Youth are our future? : the state's youth categories challenged by youth -- The dynamics of youth bulge as a question of domestication

This special issue of Studies of Transition States and Societies focuses on youth political participation in Estonia. The articles explore diff erent dimensions of participation, providing examples of how politics is practiced by young people in a society that has undergone a relatively recent and substantial social, economic and political transformation: the shift from being an integral part of the Soviet Union to full membership of the European Union. This transition is reflected in changing patterns of activism among Estonian youth and the nature of the issues with which they engage, with participation influenced by, one the one hand, the legacies of the communist period and, on the other, the challenge of living in contemporary Europe.