Suchergebnisse

Omladinski klub V3 varaždinske Gimnazije utemeljen je 21. rujna 1965. godine na obljetnicu stradanja V3 (petog tri) razreda kragujevačkih učenika prema kojem je dobio ime. U početku je djelovao u bivšoj crtaoni, najvećoj prostoriji u varaždinskoj Gimnaziji. Nakon rekonstrukcije gimnazijske zgrade u periodu 1971.-1973. godine, za njegove je potrebe, uz dobrovoljni rad učenika, bio uređen podrumski prostor južnog krila Gimnazije u kojem je nastavio uspješno djelovati do izbijanja ratnih sukoba koji su početkom 90-ih godina XX. stoljeća prouzročili raspad Jugoslavije i osnutak neovisne Republike Hrvatske. Djelujući kao učenički klub koji je imao ograničenu autonomiju unutar škole, razvijao je bogatu i razgrananu aktivnost, priređujući javna događanja, kulturne i zabavne priredbe namijenjene gimnazijalcima, a često i široj publici. Zahvaljujući vlastitim prihodima, Klub je dijelom bio financijski neovisan, a njegovim su radom, uz indirektan nadzor škole, uglavnom samostalno upravljali učenici. U njegovoj su organizaciji pred gimnazijskim učenicima nastupali i izvodili svoje programe istaknuti umjetnici, književnici, glazbenici i glazbeni sastavi, znanstvenici, sportaši i društveno-politički aktivisti i djelatnici s područja čitave Jugoslavije. Polaznicima Gimnazije je tako bilo omogućeno, ne samo korisno provođenje slobodnog vremena, već i mladima svojstvena zabava jer je Klub redovito, jednom tjedno priređivao disco-večeri i godinama bio jedini disco-klub u Varaždinu. Izbijanjem Domovinskog rata i izmjenom društveno-političkog i gospodarskog sustava početkom 90-ih godina XX. stoljeća, djelovanje Omladinskog kluba V3 je spontano prekinuto. Njegov neiskorišteni prostor uprava varaždinske Gimnazije odlučila je iskoristiti kako bi osigurala brzu prehranu za potrebe svojih učenika. ; on the 21st of September 1965 at the anniversary of the plight of V3 (fifth three) class of Kragujevac students. At first its activities were confined to the former Gimnazija drawing room which was at the time the biggest room in the school. After the reconstruction process of the Gimnazija building in the period between 1971 and 1973, aided by student volunteers, the basement of the school was refurbished for the purposes of the club activities. It continued to flourish until the start of the war which in 1990s marked the collapse of Yugoslavia and contributed to the establishment of the indepedent Republic of Croatia. As a student club which had only limited autonomy within the school, the club developed a rich and varied plan of activities which entailed the organization of public events, cultural and entertainment events intended for Gimnazija students and general public as well. Thanks to its own earnings, the club was partially independent in terms of its finances and its activities were mostly organized independently by the students with an indirect supervision of the school management. The club organized various spectacles for its students which were delivered by distinguished artists, writers, musicians and music groups, scientists, athletes, political activists and other important figures from the entire territory of Yugoslavia. Gimnazija students were thus offered not only a high-quality activity plan for their free time, but also a form of entertainment because the club would regularly, once a week set up disco-evenings as it was the only discoclub in Varaždin for many years. After the beginning of the War of Independence and the newly emerged social, political and economic system in the early 1990s, the activity of the youth club V3 was spontaneously discontinued. Its emptied premises were afterwards used by the Gimnazija management for a fast food facility catering to its students.

e-Glasovanje u radu je definirano prema Oostveen i Besselaar (2004:61) koji definiraju internet glasovanje (ili elektroničko glasovanje, online glasovanje) kao "način glasovanja koji koristi enkripciju kako bi omogućio glasaču sigurno i tajno glasovanje putem interneta". Ovaj oblik glasovanja prije svega je praktičan zbog toga što omogućuje glasovanje bez odlaska na tradicionalno biralište, a obzirom da se odvija putem interneta, neki autori predviđaju mogućnost veće izlaznosti i političke participacije mladih kao dobne skupine koja se svakodnevno koristi računalnom tehnologijom i internetom (Mellon et al., 2016) i pokazuje relativno nisku razinu izlaznosti na političke izbore (Allan et al., 2012; Dictson i Ray, 2000 prema Besselaar i Oostveen, 2004). Cilj rada je na uzorku od 133 ispitanika u dobi od 18-25 godina kvantitativno tj. putem online ankete i koristeći teorijsku podlogu Modela prihvaćanja novih tehnologija, Teorije difuzije inovacija, Ujedinjene teorije prihvaćanja i korištenja tehnologija te nekih modela povjerenja i sigurnosti ispitati faktore koji utječu na namjeru korištenja sustava e-glasovanja. Rezultati istraživanja pokazuju da su faktori koji utječu na namjeru korištenja sustava e-glasovanja povjerenje u vladu i internet, točnost, povjerljivost, vjerojatnost napada na sustav, percipirana korisnost i očekivana učinkovitost. Nalazi o mogućnosti veće participacije mladih u slučaju uvođenja e-glasovanja nisu statistički značajni. ; e-Voting (or electronic voting, online voting) is defined by Oostveen and Besselaar (2004: 61) as a "voting manner that uses encryption to enable the voter to securely and secretly vote via the internet." This form of voting is first and foremost practical because it allows voting without going to the traditional polling station, and considering that it is obtained via the internet, some authors anticipate the possibility of greater turnout and political participation of young people as an age group which uses computer technology and the internet on a daily basis ...

U članku se razmatraju okolnosti osnutka izložbe Salon mladih ujesen 1968. te uloga te manifestacije u profiliranju društveno-političkoga identiteta mladih umjetnika u idućem razdoblju. Osvrće se na reformska nastojanja na području kulturne politike u drugoj polovini šezdesetih godina, analizira jačanje interesa za problematiku mladih u kulturi na razini Socijalističkoga saveza omladine Hrvatske. Objašnjava se materijalni i profesionalni položaj mladih umjetnika te rasvjetljavaju događaji vezani uz studentske prosvjede na Akademiji likovnih umjetnosti u Zagrebu u lipnju 1968. Nadalje se razmatraju uzroci negativne percepcije Salona u prvim godinama njegova trajanja te razlozi identitetskoga raslojavanja u redovima mladih umjetnika koje je ova izložba izazvala. Potonje se prvenstveno odnosi na suparništvo tzv. novih plastičara i likovne grupe "Atelier Biafra", o čemu se također podrobnije raspravlja. ; The article discusses the circumstances of the establishment of the Youth Salon exhibition in the autumn of 1968 and its role in profiling the socio-political identity of young artists in the following period. The starting claim is that the current knowledge about how much events related to global and local student protests directly influenced the art scene in socialist Croatia and Yugoslavia is relatively modest, that is, that the connection between a certain type of avant-garde artistic practice and particular historical context is based on general assumptions. In order to clarify these ties, the article reflects on the cultural policy that immediately preceded the rebellious year, which was marked by general reform efforts in socialist Croatia and the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in the second half of the 1960s. The social position of young artists became one of the important topics in regard to the reform efforts in the field of culture, as evidenced by the intensity of discussions at the level of the League of Socialist Youth. The text further explains the material and professional working conditions of young artists and the reasons for their dissatisfaction with the cultural and artistic system. Light is shed on events related to student protests at the Academy of Fine Arts in Zagreb in June 1968, which were an immediate occasion for the establishment of the Youth Salon exhibition. The thesis is that the Youth Salon, as a representative type of exhibition organised by the central republican art association (ULUH) and the Central Committee of the League of Socialist Youth, represented a typical parade gesture made by the state, which sought to pacify young people's dissatisfaction with the general situation in the field of art and culture. As such, the Youth Salon experienced severe criticism in the first years of its existence. It also influenced the politicisation of young artists, who began to engage in criticism of the system as a whole. The controversy over the Youth Salon was also the immediate cause of the identity divergence between the young avant-garde artists, within which two art groups were the leading opponents: the so-called 'neoplasticists', gathered around Zagreb's SC Gallery, and artists gathered in the Art Group 'Atelier biafra', who were the initiators and organisers of the Youth Salon in the first years. This antagonism would determine the balance of power on the Croatian art scene in the long run and influence the understanding of the echoes of 1968 in art and culture in general.

Ovaj rad nastoji istražiti koje su odrednice europskih programa volontiranja za mlade koje pridonose izgradnji europskog identiteta i europske solidarnosti. Europski programi volontiranja mehanizam su povezivanja i osnaživanja mladih europskih volontera. Kroz aktualni program Europske snage solidarnosti mladi neosporno rade na svojim vještinama. Ipak, naglasak je na preventivnom ili kurativnom, a uvijek solidarnom djelovanju. Volontiranje je usmjereno na krizu zajednice i tako dotiče mnogobrojne dimenzije ekspresije europskog identiteta. Proces provedbe volonterskih programa za mlade prolazi višestruku koordinaciju između europske i nacionalne razine. Uredba Europske unije temelj je za provedbu programa, koji uvelike djeluje po načelima europske Strategije za mlade, čime se pokazuje da legislativna i provedbena strana europskih programa volontiranja zajednički djeluje na koncepciju europskog identiteta. Istraživanje putem intervjua sa stručnjacima, provedeno za potrebe ovog rada ukazuje na brojne sličnosti i komplementarnost koncepata koji čine odrednice europskih programa volontiranja i europskog identiteta, poput osjećaj pripadnosti zajednici, međunarodnih bliskih, prijateljskih odnosa, zajedničkih aktivnosti, kao i standardizacije te regulacije politika za mlade na europskoj razini. Dijeljenje iskustava mladih Europljana koji su odrednice europskih programa volontiranja za mlade i europskog identiteta praktično povezali i primjenili u vlastitim životima može imati dugoročno pozitivne učinke na budućnost EU. ; This paper seeks to explore what are the determinants of the European youth volunteering programs that contribute to the building of the European identity and European solidarity. European volunteering programs are the mechanism for connecting and empowering young European volunteers. Through the current program, the European Solidarity Corps, young people are indisputably working on their skills. However, the emphasis is on preventative or curative, but always solidarity action. Volunteering has focused ...

U ljetnim mjesecima 1905. godine skupina demokratski usmjerenih varaždinskih studenata utemeljila je Hrvatski akademski ferijalni klub Fidelitas koji je 1907. promijenio naziv u Tomislav. Svrha ovog kluba bila je razvijanje društvenosti i širenje prosvjete među članstvom i širim slojevima pučanstva. U sljedećih desetak godina klub je razvio bogatu i sustavnu aktivnost na tri ključna područja, pri priređivanju kulturno-zabavnih programa, pučkih javnih predavanja i održavanju tečajeva za opismenjavanje. Kako bi privukli pozornost varaždinske javnosti, sveučilištarci su tijekom božićnih i uskršnjih praznika, maksimalno koristeći slobodno vrijeme svojih članova, od samog početka priređivali Dramatske večeri, glazbeno-literarne programe, tzv. jour fixe, pučke ljetne zabave, plesne vjenčiće i koncerte. Njihovim priređivanjem oni su pridonosili kulturnom i društvenom životu i osiguravali sredstva potrebna za humanitarni rad i održavanje ostalih svojih aktivnosti. Priređivanjem pučkih javnih predavanja sveučilištarci su među građanstvom nastojali predstaviti i popularizirati postignuća raznih područja znanosti i umjetnosti kako bi se općenito podigla razina obrazovanosti stanovništva. Zahvaljujući organizacijskim teškoćama i idejno-političkim nesuglasicama s lokalnim vlastima, ova se aktivnost svela na svega nekoliko priređenih predavanja tijekom 1907. i 1908. godine. Daleko uspješnija bila je aktivnost suzbijanja nepismenosti. U tu svrhu redovito su organizirani analfabetski tečajevi, a termini njihovog održavanja s vremenom su usklađeni s prekidima u akademskoj godini pa se obično zimski tečaj organizirao preko božićnih, dok se proljetni tečaj održavao tijekom uskrsnih praznika. Uobičajeno vrijeme podučavanja svodilo se na nekoliko tjedana i obično se održavalo u prostorima varaždinskih pučkih škola. Pouka je za polaznike bila besplatna jer je sve troškove pokrivao akademski klub. Premda su nastojali zadržati političku neutralnost, varaždinski sveučilištarci su se uključili u pripremu i organizaciju masovnog učeničkog štrajka protiv bana Slavka Cuvaja 1912. godine. Uz podršku Hrvatskog akademskog ferijalnog kluba Tomislav uslijedio je jednodnevni učenički štrajk upozorenja 14. ožujka i priključivanje varaždinske mladeži generalnom štrajku hrvatske mladeži 19. ožujka 1912. godine. Zabranom djelovanja svih udruga koja je nastupila s početkom Prvog svjetskog rata, klub je nažalost, prekinuo svoju legalnu aktivnost na nekoliko sljedećih godina. ; In summer months of 1905 a group of Varaždin democrat students founded the Croatian Academic Youth Club Fidelitas which was later renamed as Tomislav in 1907. The purpose of the club was the development of social activities and the promotion of teaching activities amongst its members and general public. In the following ten years the club developed a rich and systematic activity on three different levels: the organization of cultural and entertainment events, the organization of non-academic public lectures and offering literacy courses. In order to attract the attention of Varaždin public, academicians used to spend their free time during the Christmas and Easter holidays by organizing Drama nights, musical and literary programs, the so-called jour fixe, folk summer parties, regency dances and concerts. Through the organization of the mentioned events they made a contribution to the cultural and social life, as well as provided the means necessary for humanitarian activity and the organization of all other activities. The purpose of giving public non-academic lectures was to introduce the general public to new advances in various fields of science and art, in order to raise general level of education of the population. As a consequence of organizational difficulties as well as political and ideological conflicts with the local authorities, the mentioned activity was eventually reduced to only several organized lectures throughout 1907 and 1908. However, the literacy improvement activity was far more successful. In order to improve literacy, the academicians organized regular courses for the illiterate people, and eventually they managed to run the courses during the academic breaks. Therefore, winter courses were normally given during Christmas break and the spring courses during Easter breaks. The usual duration of the course was several weeks and the course was normally held in Varaždin public schools. The courses were free of charge for the students because all the expenses were covered by the Academic club. Despite the fact that they were trying to stay politically neutral, Varaždin academicians were engaged in the preparation and organization of massive student strike against viceroy Slavko Cuvaj in 1912. Supported by Croatian Academic Youth Club Tomislav, a one-day student strike was held on March the 14th and the Varaždin youth joined the general strike of Croatian youth which was held on the 19th of March, 1912. Following the official ban of all associations that was introduced at the onset of World War I, unfortunately the club had to suspend all legal activities for a couple of years.In order to attract the attention of Varaždin public, academicians used to spend their free time during the Christmas and Easter holidays by organizing Drama nights, musical and literary programs, the so-called jour fixe, folk summer parties, regency dances and concerts. Through the organization of the mentioned events they made a contribution to the cultural and social life, as well as provided the means necessary for humanitarian activity and the organization of all other activities. The purpose of giving public non-academic lectures was to introduce the general public to new advances in various fields of science and art, in order to raise general level of education of the population. As a consequence of organizational difficulties as well as political and ideological conflicts with the local authorities, the mentioned activity was eventually reduced to only several organized lectures throughout 1907 and 1908. However, the literacy improvement activity was far more successful. In order to improve literacy, the academicians organized regular courses for the illiterate people, and eventually they managed to run the courses during the academic breaks. Therefore, winter courses were normally given during Christmas break and the spring courses during Easter breaks. The usual duration of the course was several weeks and the course was normally held in Varaždin public schools. The courses were free of charge for the students because all the expenses were covered by the Academic club. Despite the fact that they were trying to stay politically neutral, Varaždin academicians were engaged in the preparation and organization of massive student strike against viceroy Slavko Cuvaj in 1912. Supported by Croatian Academic Youth Club Tomislav, a one-day student strike was held on March the 14th and the Varaždin youth joined the general strike of Croatian youth which was held on the 19th of March, 1912. Following the official ban of all associations that was introduced at the onset of World War I, unfortunately the club had to suspend all legal activities for a couple of years.

Ovaj se rad bavi analizom glazbenih preferencija i političkog ponašanja kod studenata na Sveučilištu u Zagrebu. U skladu s navedenim provedeno je istraživanje na studentima Sveučilišta u Zagrebu (N=140). Prvi dio rada obuhvaća teorijski pregled pri čemu se dotiče dosadašnjih istraživanja u sferi glazbenih preferencija te različitih aspekata političkog ponašanja. U drugom dijelu rada provedeno je istraživanje u kojem su se mjerile glazbene preferencije i političko ponašanje mladih. U kontekstu glazbenih preferencija obuhvaćene su sljedeće komponente: učestalost slušanja glazbe, utjecaj slušanja glazbe na život studenata i preferencije prema pojedinom žanru glazbe. Kako bi izmjerili političko ponašanje studenata mjerena je: politička orijentacija studenata, izlaznost na izbore, participacija u strankama, na prosvjedima, potpisivanjima peticija i štrajkovima, učestalost političkog informiranja, podrška demokraciji te je provjeravano znanje o osnovnim političkim pojmovima. Istraživanjem se pokušalo provjeriti postoji li povezanost između tih dvaju faktora. Rezultati istraživanja su pokazali kako su lijevo orijentirani ispitanici manje skloni popularno tradicionalnom glazbenom ukusu te pokazuju veću razinu političke participacije. Također, pokazalo se kako ispitanici u čijim životima glazba ima velik utjecaj, pokazuju manju razinu znanja o politici. ; This paper deals with the analysis of musical preferences and political behaviour among students at the University of Zagreb. In accordance following the aforementioned, a study was conducted on students of the University of Zagreb (N=140). The first part of the paper includes a theoretical overview, touching on previous research in the field of musical preferences and various aspects of political behaviour. In the second part, the research was conducted in which the musical preferences and political behaviour were measured. In the context of the musical components, the following components were included: frequency of the listening to the music, the impact on their ...

Rad ima cilj da objasni značaj porodice kao faktora u vodećim mikro- i makro-teorijama porekla delinkvencije i da utvrdi uloge koje joj one dodeljuju u objašnjenju etiologije ovakvog ponašanja. Analiza je pokazala da mikro-teorije kao posebno značajnu ističu socijalizaciju i vaspitnu ulogu porodice kojom se oblikuju kako konformistički, tako i antisocijalni obrasci ponašanja, dok makro-teorije glavne uzroke devijantnosti pronalaze u strukturalnim karakteristikama društva, a porodicu prepoznaju kao faktora koji posreduje između društva i deteta. Analizom su utvrđeni i nedostaci proučavanih teorija. S obzirom na to da se baziraju na istraživanjima sprovedenim u SAD-u i zapadnoevropskim zemljama, one ne mogu u potpunosti da se primene na objašnjenje etiologije delinkvencije u svim društvima. Pored toga, mikro-teorije ne uzimaju u obzir karakteristike društva koje mogu da utiču na izbor vaspitnih metoda roditelja, razvoj njihovog vaspitnog stila i na njihovu odluku koje vrednosti će da prenesu deci, dok se makro-teorije ne bave pitanjem kakav uticaj imaju na devijantno ponašanje odlike onih društava, čiji su ekonomski, pravni i kulturni sistemi decenijama nestabilni, kao ni onih čiji se društveni sistem urušio i još uvek se nije reetablirao. Na osnovu ove analize može da se zaključi da uprkos važnoj ulozi koju roditelji imaju za usvajanje/sprečavanje antisocijalnog ponašanja, okvire u kojima će oni tu ulogu obavljati određuju karakteristike datog društva. ; This paper analyses the state of institutional trust (IT) in Croatia based on data collected by the Faculty of Political Science on a representative sample of Croatian citizens in eight time points over the past 20 years. Based on Easton's and Norris' concepts and considering previous studies on IT in Croatia, this paper brings some new elements. While most of the previous studies cover a maximum of three measurement points in a relatively short time span and analyse the latent structure of IT through an exploratory approach, this paper is based on an analysis ...

This paper analyses the political background of the departure of the Croatian Heritage Foundation's (CHF) delegation to Australia in summer 1971, i.e. the political reasons behind it and the purpose of the visit. Believing their influence among the expatriates to be great, the CHF decided to use an opportune moment of political divisions among the expatriates in order to neutralise the influence of the political émigrés among the expatriates while simultaneously attempting to gain the support of most expatriates for building closer ties with the homeland and accepting its socialist social-political system. The political divisions among the expatriates, the so-called differentiation process, was a consequence of political differences among the émigrés themselves, the arrival of new expatriates, and the positive influence of political movements in Croatia during the Croatian Spring. This process was particularly prominent in Australia, which was also seen as a bastion of reactionary expatriates, strongly influenced by Croatian political émigrés. The CHF delegation's journey was planned in agreement with political factors from the Socialist Republic of Croatia. The tenets of the Tenth Session of the Central Committee of the League of Communists of Croatia and the climate of the Croatian Spring—which included a strengthening of Croatian identity at the expense of Yugoslav identity among expatriates—served as their political milestones. The Football Federation of Croatia worked with the CHF in Croatia, while the managements of the football clubs 'Croatia', Croatian associations that split off from Croatian Halls owned by political émigrés, Committees of the Croatian Cancer League, the 'Croatian Youth' organisation, and parts of the clergy and the pro-Yugoslav émigrés who were ready to work with the rest of the Croatian expatriates were all seen as potential collaborators. The Yugoslav diplomatic missions and consular posts were seen as the factors that should spearhead the differentiation process, but were also ...

A certain youth society established as a police cover-up organization for carrying out acts of spying, extortion, threats, intimidation and murder of political opponents of the Yugoslav power-holders in the 1930s was rarely mentioned in historiographical texts. The components of its existence were almost completely blurred in these works, from its name, structure, membership, ideology, to its aims and actions. The article tried to overcome this by shedding light on the personality of the former director of Zagreb's police and King Alexander's favourite, dr. Janko Bedeković, revealing him as the initiator and the direct financier of 'The Young Yugoslavia' youth society – the association that under the usual guise of the state-spread organization whose intention was to promote the Yugoslav idea among the youth hid the grimy side of carrying out direct police orders in dealing with political opponents. The terror carried out by the members of 'The Young Yugoslavia', just like the period of Bedeković's tenure as the head of Zagreb's police, remained deeply rooted into the collective memory of the Croatian society of that time. The extorted criminals, bullies and swindlers protected by the membership card of that society had, under the guise of the Yugoslav idea and the fight for a unified national state, free hands to satiate their personal and morally questionable urges. This is perhaps the first occasion that their mention is based on archival sources.

Autor na temelju literature, stranačkoga tiska i arhivskih izvora, analizira ustroj i ulogu posebnih, manje ili više organiziranih dijelova Čiste stranke prava (Starčevićeve hrvatske stranke prava / Stranke prava), zaduženih za organiziranje demonstracija i obračun s političkim protivnicima. Pritom polazi od tvrdnje hrvatske historiografije da je "borbenost" bila trajna odlika ove stranke, od njezinih početaka pa sve do konca Austro-Ugarske Monarhije, te smatra da se najranije od 1902. godine može pratiti neki oblik postojanja navedenih, manje ili više organiziranih dijelova stranke, zaduženih za mobilizaciju "ulice". Budući da je društvenu strukturu tih dijelova uglavnom činilo frankovačko radništvo i frankovačka mladež, autor svoju temu dovodi u odnos prema tadašnjim studentskim organizacijama i radničkom pokretu. Osim toga, autor svoju temu promatra i u odnosu prema vanjskoj politici Monarhije, te političkom stanju u banskoj Hrvatskoj. ; Based on literature, party print and archive sources, in this paper the author analyses the structure and role of individual, more or less organized segments of the Pure Party of Right (Starčević's Croatian Party of Right / Party of Right) charged with the organisation of demonstrations and conflict with political opponents. The starting point is the claim of Croatian historiography that flrebelliousness« was a permanent characteristic of this party from its beginning to the end of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy. The author claims that some trace of such segments of the party, whose duty it was to mobilize flthe street«, can only be traced back to as far as 1902. As the social structure of these segments was mostly made up by Frankovci working-class members and youth, the author brings the topic into comparison with today's student organizations and workers' movements. The author also studies the topic in relation to the Monarchy's foreign policy and the political state of Central Croatia.

Postojanje "pomoćne Bedekovićeve čete" zadužene za provođenje prljavih poslova u korist policije po nalozima beogradskih vlastodržaca zabilježeno je u svega nekoliko historiografskih tekstova i rijetkim sjećanjima sudionika zlosretnih događaja u zagrebačkom društvenom mikrokozmosu nakon uspostave šestosiječanjske diktature. Prilog ima za cilj rasvijetliti istinitost spomenutih navoda. Postojanje gotovo terorističke organizacije na temelju arhivskih vrela povezano je s Omladinskim društvom Mlada Jugoslavija, koje je, osim izvanjskoga i zakonitoga okvira, u svojem djelovanju skrivalo naličje provoditelja državnoga nasilja prema onodobnim političkim neistomišljenicima.Omladinsko društvo Mlada Jugoslavija ; A certain youth society established as a police cover-up organization for carrying out acts of spying, extortion, threats, intimidation and murder of political opponents of the Yugoslav power-holders in the 1930s was rarely mentioned in historiographical texts. The components of its existence were almost completely blurred in these works, from its name, structure, membership, ideology, to its aims and actions. The article tried to overcome this by shedding light on the personality of the former director of Zagreb's police and King Alexander's favourite, dr. Janko Bedeković, revealing him as the initiator and the direct financier of 'The Young Yugoslavia' youth society – the association that under the usual guise of the state-spread organization whose intention was to promote the Yugoslav idea among the youth hid the grimy side of carrying out direct police orders in dealing with political opponents. The terror carried out by the members of 'The Young Yugoslavia', just like the period of Bedeković's tenure as the head of Zagreb's police, remained deeply rooted into the collective memory of the Croatian society of that time. The extorted criminals, bullies and swindlers protected by the membership card of that society had, under the guise of the Yugoslav idea and the fight for a unified national state, free hands to satiate their personal and morally questionable urges. This is perhaps the first occasion that their mention is based on archival sources.

Dobrotvorni rad varaždinske mladeži u prve dvije ratne godine bio je pod potpunom kontrolom službenih vlasti. Svodio se na sakupljanje novčanih priloga potrebnih za zbrinjavanje ratnih stradalnika, priređivanje priredaba humanitarnog karaktera te na prikupljanje odjeće i deficitarnih sirovina. U njegovoj organizaciji i realizaciji sudjelovali su učenici i prosvjetni djelatnici svih varaždinskih pučkih i srednjih škola ovisno o svojim mogućnostima. Tijekom posljednje dvije ratne godine u Austro-Ugarskoj monarhiji je nastupila liberalizacija društvenog i političkog života. To je omogućilo obnavljanje rada varaždinskog Akademskog ferijalnog kluba Tomislav koji je ubrzo ponovno razvio suradnju sa srednjoškolskom, posebno sa gimnazijskom mladeži. Sve do kraja svjetskog rata, uslijedilo je razdoblje intenzivnog političkog i kulturno-prosvjetnog djelovanja koje je organizirano kroz formu masovnih pučkih javnih predavanja i koncerte Tomislavovog pjevačkog zbora i orkestra priređivane u Varaždinu i selima njegove okolice. Sredstva prikupljena na ovim manifestacijama bila su, između ostalog, namijenjena pomaganju ratnoj siročadi, udovicama i obiteljima poginulih vojnika, invalidima i međimurskim učenicima na školovanju u Varaždinu. Nacionalna svijest stanovništva, ovim je aktivnostima bila usmjeravana prema rušenju postojećeg režima i traženju novog načina rješavanja nacionalnog pitanja unutar južnoslavenske zajednice. ; bsolute control of the authorities. Their activity came down to collecting money for aiding casualties of war, organizing humanitarian events as well as collecting clothes and scarce materials. The organization and realization of the mentioned activities was performed by students and teachers from all public elementary and high schools in Varaždin to the best of their abilities. During the last two years of the war, Austria-Hungary experienced a liberalization of social and political life. This fact led to a reactivation of the Varaždin Academic Youth Club Tomislav, which soon revived its cooperation with high-school students, especially Gymnasium students. Until the end of the world war, what followed was a period of intense political, cultural and educational activity organized through mass public lectures as well as concerts performed by the Tomislav choir and orchestra in Varaždin and nearby villages. The profit earned through those events was intended for helping orphans, widows and families of the soldiers killed in action, war invalids and students from the Međimurje region who were schooled in Varaždin. The mentioned events were aimed at raising the national awareness of the population and overthrowing the regime, i.e. finding a new way of solving the national issue within the South Slavic community.

Članak analizira učinke Europskog semestra, okvira EU-a za socijalno-ekonomsku koordinaciju, na promjenu politike zapošljavanja u Hrvatskoj. Slučaj Hrvatske treba ilustrirati kako, pod kojim uvjetima i u kojoj mjeri arhitektura Europskog semestra utječe na politike zapošljavanja u Hrvatskoj. U žarištu su analize dvije stavke javnih politika: Garancija za mlade i dob za umirovljenje. Nalazi vezani za Garanciju za mlade podržavaju očekivanje prema kojemu pojačani nadzor i obveze izvještavanja pridonose promjeni nacionalnih javnih politika. Koristeći intervjue kao izvore podataka, auto pronalazi dva ključna elementa utjecaja: administrativni pritisak i slabu upoznatost s načinom rada Europske komisije u sklopu Europskog semestra. Istodobno, Hrvatska je opetovano zanemarivala preporuke za usklađivanjem dobi umirovljenja za muškarce i žene. Razlozi slaba utjecaja Europskog semestra na tom području mogu se pronaći u ograničavajućem efektu sastava koalicijske vlade, krutosti javne politike, suprotstavljenih uvjerenja i vrlo neizvjesne političke situacije. Ti su uvjeti bili čimbenici odvraćanja od promjene javnih politika, unatoč mogućim sankcijama EU-a. ; This paper analyzes the effects of the European Semester, EU's framework for socio-economic policy coordination, on change of Croatian employment policy. The case of Croatia is used to illustrate in what manner, under which conditions and to what extent the European Semester architecture actually influences Croatian employment policies. The focus is on two policy items: the Youth Guarantee and the retirement age provision. The findings on the Youth Guarantee lend crucial support to the expectation that intensified monitoring and reporting obligations will contribute to domestic policy change. Drawing on interview data, the author identifies administrative pressure and low familiarity with the European Commission's modus operandi within the European Semester as two crucial elements of influence. On the other hand, Croatia repeatedly neglected EU's recommendation to step up the harmonization of female and male retirement age. Reasons for low European Semester impact on this issue can be found in a number of constraining conditions that were at play: coalition politics, the stickiness of the policy issue, opposite policy beliefs and a highly uncertain political situation. These factors acted as factors from policy change despite potential EU sanctions down the pike.

U radu se analiziraju 134 javne politike cjeloživotnog učenja (CU) u devet zemalja uključenih u projekt 'Javne politike koje podržavaju mlade u njihovom životnom putu - Komparativna analiza cjeloživotnog učenja i uključivanja u obrazovanje i rad u Europi' (YOUNG_ADULLLT) koji je razvijen u okviru EU okvirnog programa za istraživanje i inovacije HORIZON 2020. Analiza javnih politika cjeloživotnog učenja se temelji na tri teorijska koncepta – kulturna politička ekonomija, teorija životnog puta i upravljanje. Ciljevi analize se odnose na utvrđivanje procedura formuliranja i implementacije politika CU u pojedinim državama, analizu njihovih specifičnih ciljeva i stupanj koordinacije obrazovnih politika, politika socijalne zaštite i tržišta rada. Analiza pokazuje razlike među zemljama s obzirom na navedene ciljeve koje su posljedica različitih društvenih i ekonomskih okolnosti. Procedure formuliranja politika kreću se od centraliziranih do decentraliziranih. Ciljevi javnih politika cjeloživotnog učenja su trostruki – obrazovni, ekonomski i socijalni, pri čemu njihova zastupljenost varira od zemlje do zemlje. Razine i mehanizmi koordinacije cjeloživotnog učenja također nisu istovjetni te su prepoznate razlike među zemljama s obzirom na centralno upravljani lokalizam, laissez faire i demokratski lokalizam. ; The paper analyses 134 policies which address lifelong learning policies (LLL policies) in nine countries involved in the project Policies Supporting Young Adults in their Life Course: A Comparative Perspective of Lifelong Learning and Inclusion in Education and Work in Europe (YOUNG_ADULLLT, HORIZON 2020). The analysis is based on three theoretical concepts - cultural political economy, life course theory and governance. The objective of the analysis is to determine the ways in which the LLL policies for youth are formulated and implemented in educational, economic and social sectors. The analysis shows the differences between the countries with regard to the stated goals that are a result of different social and economic circumstances. Policy formulation policies range from centralized to decentralized. The objectives of policies are threefold - educational, economic and social, with their representation varying from country to country. The levels and mechanisms of lifelong learning coordination also show the differences between countries with regard to centrally managed localism, laissez faire and democratic localism.

Životnim opredjeljenjem za Krista, širenjem i svjedočenjem Radosne vijesti Marica Stanković mnogo je putovala i pisala, držala brojna predavanja. Za vjernički apostolat u svjedočenju Papa Pijo XII. odlikovao ju je 1943. god. crkvenim odličjem "Pro Ecclesia et Pontifice – Za Crkvu i Papu". Uz brojne članke po mnogim časopisima pisala je i knjige, meditacije i druge tekstove te nam tako ostavila svjedočanstvo o svome katoličkom odgojnom radu osobito među ženskom mladeži. Velika većina njenih tekstova nije objavljena za njezina života, osobito ona koja su napisana u vremenu nakon Drugog svjetskog rata. Tek nakon sloma komunističkog režima djela Marice Stanković su nam postala dostupna, neka tiskana a neka su još uvijek u ruko- pisu te nam daju poticaj za istraživanje pisane riječi ove učiteljice, istaknute katoličke aktivistice. Svojim dnevničkim zapisima o robijaškim danima u kaznionici u Požegi ostavlja nam u baštinu i zalog pisani trag prema kojem možemo donekle saznati kroz kakvu torturu su prolazile zatvorenice pa i drugi osuđenici zatvoreni zbog svojih političkih i vjerskih uvjerenja. Zbog svojih kršćanskih uvjerenja i velikog odgojnog utjecaja na mladež komunističke vlasti su je osudile na montiranom procesu na pet godina robije koje je provela od 1947. do 1952. u logoru u Požegi. Na suđenju je hrabro uzviknula "Živio Krist Kralj, živio Papa, živjela kršćanska Europa!", potom je s djevojkama s kojima je bila zajedno suđena nakon pročitane presude svečano u sudnici zapjevala: "Christus vincit, Christus regnat, Christus imperat – Krist vlada, Krist pobjeđuje, Krist vječno kraljuje." ; Guided by apostolic zeal in spreading Christ's Kingdom, Marica Stanković much traveled and wrote, held numerous lectures and everywhere witnessed in favor of Christ. The Pope Pius XII awarded her, in 1943, the Church medal "Pro Ecclesia et Pontifice - For the Church and the Pope." In addition to numerous articles that she had written in many magazines, she also published books, meditations and other texts, through which she thus left to us a testimony of her Catholic educational work especially among female youth. The vast majority of her texts were not published during her life, especially the ones that were written in the aftermath of World War II. It was not before the collapse of the communist regime that the works of Marica Stanković became available to us, some typed while the others were still available as manuscripts; thus giving us an additional initiative to explore the written word of this teacher, the prominent Catholic activist. The entries in her diary, dating back to her penal days in the Pozega prison, left rich heritage and memories of the severity of torture that the prisoners were subjected to, the prisoners jailed due to their political and/or religious beliefs. Due to her Christian beliefs and the great educational impact she had on the younger population, the communist authorities sentenced her to a five year imprisonment, which she was forced to serve from 1947 to 1952 in the Pozega camp. During the trial, she bravely cried "Long live Christ the King, long live the Pope, lived Christian Europe!". Along with the girls who were also condemned and prosecuted there, after having heard the final verdict, all solemnly sang: "Christus vincit, Christus Regnat, Christus imperat."