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InThe Civic Culture, perhaps the best known study of political culture, Almond and Verba say that 'the relationship between political culture and political structure [is] one of the most significant researchable aspects of the problem of political stability and change'. I want to look at the way this relationship has been treated in one particular area, an area very relevant to questions of political stability and change in our own society; that is, in studies of political participation and apathy, especially research into the sense of political efficacy or competence. This is the area with whichThe Civic Cultureitself is largely concerned, and it is now well established that individuals low in a sense of political efficacy tend to be apathetic about politics; indeed, Almond and Verba consider the sense of efficacy or competence to be a 'key political attitude'.

AbstractFew attempts have previously been made systematically to define or interrelate the concepts of political crime, political criminal, political justice, and political prisoner. To establish a more adequate conceptual base for research, political crime and political criminals are herein defined in terms of motiwtions underlying criminal acts, regardless of the nature of the acts themselves; political justice is defined in terms of the state's reaction to perceived threat; and political prisoners are defined as those incarcerated because of either political crime (politico1 criminals) or political justice (victims of repression). Dimensions for a taxonomy of political crime are suggested.

Political theorists from Plato to the present have concerned themselves not only with the nature of the polity as we know it, but with how it came to be, what purposes it serves, and by what stages it has developed. The last item, however, has more often than not been slighted. This lack now forces itself on our attention for an obvious reason: Never before have so many "new states" come into being in so short a span of time and never before have students of politics been provided with so many living examples of states at all stages of development, many of them conspicuously failing to perform vital functions, frequently to the extent that disorder and violent change prevail.

Following the lead of G. Almond & S. Verba in THE CIVIC CULTURE (Boston, 1965), this paper seeks to examine the way in which the relationship between pol'al culture & pol'al structure (which Almond & Verba described as "one of the most signif researchable aspects of the problem of pol'al stability & change") has been treated in one particular area--that is, in studies of pol'al participation & apathy. It is argued that although investigations of pol'al culture & pol'al soc'ization may have formed one of the "growth points" in pol'al studies over the last decade, they have, as yet, made a minimal contribution to the understanding of "the problem of pol'al stability & change." IPSA.

ANALYSIS OF COMPLEMENTARY DATA SETS, A 1965-1973 PANEL STUDY OF YOUNG ADULTS & THEIR PARENTS & 1956-1976 MICHIGAN PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION SERIES, SHOWS THAT THE LATE 1960S AND EARLY 1970S WERE A DEVIANT PERIOD WHERE PARTICIPATION IN AMERICAN POLITICS WAS CONCERNED. THE YOUNG & THE LEFT WERE MORE ACTIVE. FINDINGS CHALLENGE THE "CONVENTIONAL WISDOM" ABOUT PATTERNS OF PARTICIPATION IN AMERICA.

Few political theorists today try to show how the principles of theory should guide our judgments of policy. Theorists think that their job is done when they have explained the principles, or (more commonly) when they have interpreted the principles of other theorists. The connection between the principles and the policies of governments is left for citizens themselves to make. Yet making that connection—exercising political judgment—is an essential part of citizenship, and should have a prominent place in the education of citizens.Political theorists have not always neglected the making of judgments about particular policies. The disdain of the particular that marks much contemporary theorizing was not shared by the great theorists of the past. The tradition of theory begins (or at least the curriculum traditionally begins) with the greatest case study of all—Socrates' trial. Although later theorists usually settled for less exalted examples, they continued to see their vocation as calling for comment on the actual policies of rulers and their rivals. Recall Aristotle's letters to Alexander, Augustine's criticism of the Donatists, Machiavelli's commentary on the corruption of Florentine rulers, Hobbes' analysis of the Long Parliament, Locke's advice to the Board of Trade, or Rousseau's critique of the government of Poland.

The integration problems faced by new nations should be viewed as part of an historical process of political de velopment through which Western political systems have gone as well. It is during the transitional phase of political develop ment, as governments begin to assume or attempt to assume more functions, that integration problems become most acute. The most common integration problems involve problems of na tional identity, territorial control, the establishment of norms for the handling of public conflict, the relationship between gov ernors and the governed, and the problems of organizing indi viduals for the achievement of common purposes. The major options available to governments faced with integration prob lems are explored.

Numerous attempts to discover an empirical link between political discontent & aggressive or violent political behavior have produced disappointing results. It is hypothesized that the mobilization of political discontent is most likely to occur when certain other facilitating conditions are met. The likelihood that attitudes will be translated into action would seem to be enhanced when: (1) individuals believe that they are entitled to play a meaningful role in the policy-making process, ie, when they have a strong sense of internal political efficacy; & (2) when they express a sense of dissatisfaction with the policy outputs of government. Using a sample of Coll undergraduates (N = 259) surveyed in 1979, these expectations are confirmed. The relationship between feelings of political discontent (especially the attitude of external inefficacy, or a belief that the government is unresponsive to citizen demands) & attitudes toward political protest & violence is much stronger among those who score high on indices of internal efficacy & policy dissatisfaction. The relationship is strongest among students who satisfy both of these qualifying conditions. If the findings can be generalized to other populations, a rise in levels of internal efficacy &/or policy dissatisfaction, combined with a failure to restore a sense of public trust in government, may enhance the potential for political change in the US. 2 Tables. Modified AA.

The integration problems faced by new nations should be viewed as part of an historical process of pol'al development through which Western pol'al systems have all gone. It is during the transitional phase of pol'al development, as gov's begin to assume or attempt to assume more functions, that integration problems become most acute. The most common integration problems involve problems of national identity, territorial control, the establishment of norms for the handling of public conflict, the relationship between governors & the governed, & the problems of organizing individuals for the achievement of common purposes. The major options available to gov's faced with integration problems are explored. AA.