Some issues have title: Administration report on the Persian Gulf Political Residency and Maskat Political Agency for . ; Mode of access: Internet. ; Reprint. Originally published annually: Calcutta : Printed by the Supt. of Govt. Print., India, 1888-1909. (1887-88-1906-07: Selections from the records of the Government of India, Foreign Department) (1887-88-1906-07: Foreign Department serial). With issue for 1909, continued by: Persian Gulf Political Residency. Administration report of the Persian Gulf Political Residency for the year .
We provide a justification for political liberalism's Reciprocity Principle, which states that political decisions must be justified exclusively on the basis of considerations that all reasonable citizens can reasonably be expected to accept. The standard argument for the Reciprocity Principle grounds it in a requirement of respect for persons. We argue for a different, but compatible, justification: the Reciprocity Principle is justified because it makes possible a desirable kind of political community. The general endorsement of the Reciprocity Principle, we will argue, helps realize joint political rule and relationships of civic friendship. The main obstacle to the realization of these values is the presence of reasonable disagreement about religious, moral, and philosophical issues characteristic of liberal societies. We show the Reciprocity Principle helps to overcome this obstacle.
Vols. 4-38, 40-41 include Record of political events, Oct. 1, 1888-Dec. 31, 1925 (issued as a separately paged supplement to no. 3 of v. 31-38 and to no. 1 of v. 40) ; Microfilm. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; Issued by the Academy of Political Science in the City of New York, 1909- ; by the Academy of Political Science, Edited by the Faculty of Political Science of Columbia University ; Vols. 1-15, 1886-1900. 1 v; Vols. 1-30, 1886-1915. 1 v.; Vols. 1-45, 1886-1930. 1 v.; Vols. 46-65, 1931-50. 1 v ; NEWS; MICROFILM 21252: See call no. H1 P8 for MAIN holdings on paper for this title. ; MAIN; AQ P66: Includes reprint editions when original not available ; SCP weekly serials 2007/2008. ; UPD
This research paper was aims to explore the dimensions of the political development that are closely related to the existence of a political system that is confronted with progressive social and political changes. Democracy as the pillar of the implementation of constitutional government is a form of political development idealism which in its implementation moves dynamically and synergizes with the prevailing political system. As one manifestation of democratic implementation, political institutionalization is the most important part in the implementation of democratic governance. The role of political parties in all countries including in Indonesia, in the plain view, coloring the political dynamics of the government. Understanding political development certainly will not be separated from the social transformation, because social changes that was occur in society also move rapidly, but on the other hand the reality of public political education is not in line with the political changes that occur due to the swift external factors including the development of foreign politics. In this critical study, certainly not all dimensions of political development will be discussed but try to express the ideas was related to democracy, political parties in the perspective of political education which includes democracy, political parties and the problem, the reality of public political education. the link between democracy, political parties and political education is at the core of this study.
Includes: Constitution of the Canadian Political Science Association. ; Date from text. ; Cover title. ; Electronic reproduction. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; 44
This study presents evidence for the mediation effect of political knowledge through political self-efficacy (i.e. internal political efficacy) in the prediction of political participation. It employs an action theoretic approach—by and large grounded on the Theory of Planned Behaviour—and uses data from the German Longitudinal Election Study to examine whether political knowledge has distinct direct effects on voting, conventional, and/or unconventional political participation. It argues that political knowledge raises internal political efficacy and thereby indirectly increases the chance that a citizen will participate in politics. The results of mediated multiple regression analyses yield evidence that political knowledge indeed translates into internal political efficacy, thus it affects political participation of various kinds indirectly. However, internal political efficacy and intentions to participate politically yield simultaneous direct effects only on conventional political participation. Sequentially mediated effects appear for voting and conventional political participation, with political knowledge being mediated by internal political efficacy and subsequently also by behavioural intentions. The mediation patterns for unconventional political participation are less clear though. The discussion accounts for restrictions of this study and points to questions for answer by future research.
An account of evil in classical political theory is the concept of evil government. The notion of political decay from good to evil government or to anarchy, the absence of government, among classical political theorists represents both a moral and a political problem. This essay argues that political decay remains a perennial problem because the political condition itself involves the seeds to its own destruction. Moreover, it is claimed that the nostalgic longing to a glorious past for nations or peoples risks turning into what is here labelled 'political arcadianism', fostering futile attempts to return to past conditions. The argument is that political arcadianism when focusing on the imagined past rather than the present is a possible cause of political decay.
Political culture is a very specific type of spiritual culture of society. The political culture includes, expresses the formation of a mechanism for purposeful political activity, the regulation of political relations.
Structural and functional features of politics and political space are determined by value and normatively oriented dimensions. Political interests and goals are reflected in certain values and orientations that create a functional model of political life. Such a model of political life is called a political system, which is a space of its own institutional and value orientation. Structural and functional features of politics and political space are determined by value and normatively oriented dimensions
This paper separates Wollstonecraft's critical concept of "machiavelian" power and the capacity for domination, from a neutral concept of politics as the complex processes surrounding the power to govern, from her normative account of popular sovereignty which emphasizes collective political power to ensure the discharge of natural duty by way of civil and political rights and duties. Wollstonecraft's voice as political judge—which is audible throughout her work, but particularly clearly in her book on the French Revolution—articulates the ways that political power can be abused and misused, and can also be effective. Her theory is political in several ways: she interrogates the nature of political power and its explanatory importance; she consistently articulates political judgment about matters both conventionally political and social; she offers a theoretical justification for the expansion of the scope of politics to cover relations that hitherto were thought to be outside its domain; and finally her work itself constitutes a political intervention.
Pemikiran tentang political marketing sudah menjadi bahan diskusi para pakar dan professor di bidang marketing sejak tahun 60-an. Sejalan dengan perkembangan ilmu pemasaran, bermunculan pula konsep-konsep pemasaran untuk organisasi non-profit motif atau seperti; LSM, Rumah Sakit, Parpol, caleg, Yayasan. Yang mendorong semakin kuatnya konsep political marketing, tak lain karena menguatnya demokrasi di banyak negara. Setelah konsep demokrasi berkembang kuat di Negara-negara Barat, disusul kemudian oleh Negara-negara Asia (termasuk di Indonesia), kemudian disusul oleh Negara-negara Eropa Timur, Afrika. Akibatnya, politik negara tidak lagi dimonopoli oleh satu kalangan.Adanya sistem multi partai, setiap partai harus memiliki startegi untuk merebut suara, maka muncullah kebutuhan mempergunakan konsep marketing sebagai sebuah ilmu tersendiri dibawah payung "ilmu marketing". Secara sederhana, "konsep marketing berpegang pada kebutuhan & keinginan konsumen, mengidentifikasikan kebutuhan & keinginan tersebut dan kemudian berupaya memenuhi kepuasan konsumen agar tercapai tujuan organisasi". Sebenarnya kegiatan marketing yang dilakukan caleg & parpol-parpol baru sebatas political selling belum masuk ek ranah political marketing. Artinya para caleg & parpol-parpol hanya sekedar merancag promosi. Namun, sesungguhnya telah lahir "atmosfir baru" dalam strategi kampanye parpol pada pemilu 2009 ini, suatu nuansa yang tidak diketemukan pada Pemili 2004 yang lalu, antara lain: Pemilu 2009 diwarnai dengan berbagai kegiatan parpol concern pada hasil riset yang dikeluarkan lembaga-lembaga riset. Bahkan tidak jarang sebuah parpol menyewa khusus lembaga survey atau yang sekarang lazim disebut "Konsultan Politik" guna melakukan riset atau memberikan sara-saran dalam berkampanye. Bermunculannya Konsultan politik yang memberikan jasa untuk kemenagan parpol kliennya. Key word: political marketing; political selling; promotion tools.
One of the tales told about American political parties is that Thomas Jefferson and James Madison, desiring to create an institution uniting sup-porters of their beliefs about the means and ends of government, set off from their Virginia plantations on what was described to inquisitive journalists as an expedition to gather botanical specimens. Instead of collecting specimens, however, they are alleged to have created the original specimen of the modern political party.
No meetings held 1914-1929. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; Papers for 1935- published in: The Canadian journal of economics and political science. ; Description based on: Vol. 2 (1930).
Michel Foucault's and John Rawls' respective contributions to political philosophy appear to have little in common. Foucault gives an insistently descriptive account of the reality of the political domain; Rawls focusses on normative questions of how it ideally might be. To the extent that the two thinkers are juxtaposed, such juxtaposition is generally used to highlight their differences. Foucault's arguments are characteristically taken to show Rawls' preoccupation with consensus and legitimacy to be politically problematic. This thesis pursues the suspicion that there is more positive ground for comparison between Rawls and Foucault than this prima facie assessment would allow. I claim that there are substantive and deep-seated congruences between Rawlsian and Foucaultian conceptual apparatuses. However, to vindicate this claim I take an indirect route. I start within the debates around Rawls' later work. In this way I motivate a certain reading of this work which is justified in its own right, rather than being justified by the desire to force Rawls into Foucaultian categories. Having established this reading of Rawls with reference to immanent Rawlsian criteria, I develop the striking parallels which obtain between Rawls' and Foucault's historical conceptions of political normativity. In light of this commonality, it becomes possible to understand their respective practice as intellectuals in terms of a shared strategy to privilege democracy over truth.
