La finalidad de este artículo es revisitar el complejo concepto de cultura política, reflexionando sobre el origen, la existencia de diferentes culturas políticas, los debates suscitados, la dificultad metodológica de su aplicación y la utilidad que su uso reporta a la Ciencia Política. Para ello se repasan las teorías clásicas de la cultura política y las críticas que han recibido teniendo en cuenta factores territoriales, históricos, psicológicos, institucionales y metodológicos que culminan en la propuesta de un nuevo esquema interpretativo. ; The purpose of this article is to revisit the complex concept of political culture. This work reflects on its origin, the existence of different political cultures, the debates raised, the methodological difficulty of its application and the benefits that its use adds to Political Science. To this end, the classical theories of political culture and the criticisms they have received are reviewed, taking into account territorial, historical, psychological, institutional and methodological factors that culminate in the proposal of a new interpretative scheme.
The power, as obtained, exercised, organized and preserved, is the subject of political science. In this premise exists absolute identity between political science and communist sensis, what is understood as the set of shared knowledge within a community tradition. Also, there is a consensus in ancient and modern societies, that power is primarily a relationship of subordination, in which a group of people set the rules and others comply with them, in which decisions are made within a set of rules that are obeyed and the acceptance is made in the consensus or by imposition, in a democratic or authoritarian way but it establishes the recognized and accepted relationship of subordination.
The power, as obtained, exercised, organized and preserved, is the subject of political science. In this premise exists absolute identity between political science and communist sensis, what is understood as the set of shared knowledge within a community tradition. Also, there is a consensus in ancient and modern societies, that power is primarily a relationship of subordination, in which a group of people set the rules and others comply with them, in which decisions are made within a set of rules that are obeyed and the acceptance is made in the consensus or by imposition, in a democratic or authoritarian way but it establishes the recognized and accepted relationship of subordination.
Esta propuesta a modo de campaña electoral paralela se realizó dentro de la exposición individual Speculation Times en el espacio "La Esfera Azúl" de Valencia, del 21 de Febrero al 4 de Marzo de 1996. ; SIN FINANCIACIÓN ; No data (2008)
In this article, I propose a reading of the book Razones Públicas by Andrés Rosler. The aim of the text is to rise some methodological questions about the definition of political theory the author uses. In order to do so, firstly, I ask about the way of working on history in relation to the non-historical and the judgment. Secondly, I ask how to define republicanism and its contingent character. Finally, I ask about the relationship between a republican political theory as the one Rosler puts forward and the political present. I hope this piece may serve to open a debate on ways of defining and working in political theory. ; En el presente artículo realizo una lectura del libro Razones pú- blicas de Andrés Rosler. El objetivo del texto es presentar algunas preguntas metodológicas en torno a la definición de teoría política que aparece allí. Para ello, en primer lugar, indago sobre el modo de trabajar sobre la historia en relación a lo no-histórico y al juicio. En segundo lugar, me pregunto por el modo de definir el republicanismo y su carácter contingente. Por último, me pregunto por la relación entre una teoría política republicana como la propuesta y el presente político. Me interesa, ante todo, que el texto sirva para abrir el debate sobre modos de definir y trabajar en teoría política.
This essay articulates the differences and suggests the similarities between the practices of Socratic political speaking and those of Platonic political writing. The essay delineates Socratic speaking and Platonic writing as both erotically oriented toward ideals capable of transforming the lives of individuals and their relationships with one another. Besides it shows that in the Protagoras the practices of Socratic political speaking are concerned less with Protagoras than with the individual young man, Hippocrates. In the Phaedo, this ideal of a Socrates is amplified in such a way that Platonic writing itself emerges as capable of doing with readers what Socratic speaking did with those he encountered. Socrates is the Platonic political ideal. The result is a picture of the transformative political power of Socratic speaking and Platonic writing both.
This essay articulates the differences and suggests the similarities between the practices of Socratic political speaking and those of Platonic political writing. The essay delineates Socratic speaking and Platonic writing as both erotically oriented toward ideals capable of transforming the lives of individuals and their relationships with one another. Besides it shows that in the Protagoras the practices of Socratic political speaking are concerned less with Protagoras than with the individual young man, Hippocrates. In the Phaedo, this ideal of a Socrates is amplified in such a way that Platonic writing itself emerges as capable of doing with readers what Socratic speaking did with those he encountered. Socrates is the Platonic political ideal. The result is a picture of the transformative political power of Socratic speaking and Platonic writing both.
This paper proposes a political economy explanation of bailouts to declining industries. A model of probabilistic voting is developed, in which two candidates compete for the vote of two groups of the society through tactical redistribution. We allow politicians to have core support groups they understand better, this implies politicians are more or less effective to deliver favors to some groups. This setting is suited to reproduce pork barrels or machine politics and patronage. We use this model to illustrate the case of an economy with both an efficient industry and a declining one, in which workers elect their government. We present the conditions under which the political process ends up with the lagged-behind industry being allowed to survive.
This paper analyses the influence of ideologies on political discourse, in terms not only of content but also of form and interaction, defining ideology in the broadest sense of basic beliefs shared by members of a group and understanding political discourse to be a class of genres defined by a social domain, namely that of politics. The ways in which ideologically based beliefs are exhibited in discourse and discursive evidence in the interplay of several ideologies are analysed in the form of a debate on asylum seekers in the British House of Commons. Parliamentary debates are particularly revealing for these purposes because their text and content exhibit the social cognitions of political parties and their members. An analysis of this particular debate shows how political discourse in general, and parliamentary debates in particular, are replete with ideological expressions and rhetorical tropes at all levels. ; This paper analyses the influence of ideologies on political discourse, in terms not only of content but also of form and interaction, defining ideology in the broadest sense of basic beliefs shared by members of a group and understanding political discourse to be a class of genres defined by a social domain, namely that of politics. The ways in which ideologically based beliefs are exhibited in discourse and discursive evidence in the interplay of several ideologies are analysed in the form of a debate on asylum seekers in the British House of Commons. Parliamentary debates are particularly revealing for these purposes because their text and content exhibit the social cognitions of political parties and their members. An analysis of this particular debate shows how political discourse in general, and parliamentary debates in particular, are replete with ideological expressions and rhetorical tropes at all levels.
This paper analyses the influence of ideologies on political discourse, in terms not only of content but also of form and interaction, defining ideology in the broadest sense of basic beliefs shared by members of a group and understanding political discourse to be a class of genres defined by a social domain, namely that of politics. The ways in which ideologically based beliefs are exhibited in discourse and discursive evidence in the interplay of several ideologies are analysed in the form of a debate on asylum seekers in the British House of Commons. Parliamentary debates are particularly revealing for these purposes because their text and content exhibit the social cognitions of political parties and their members. An analysis of this particular debate shows how political discourse in general, and parliamentary debates in particular, are replete with ideological expressions and rhetorical tropes at all levels. ; This paper analyses the influence of ideologies on political discourse, in terms not only of content but also of form and interaction, defining ideology in the broadest sense of basic beliefs shared by members of a group and understanding political discourse to be a class of genres defined by a social domain, namely that of politics. The ways in which ideologically based beliefs are exhibited in discourse and discursive evidence in the interplay of several ideologies are analysed in the form of a debate on asylum seekers in the British House of Commons. Parliamentary debates are particularly revealing for these purposes because their text and content exhibit the social cognitions of political parties and their members. An analysis of this particular debate shows how political discourse in general, and parliamentary debates in particular, are replete with ideological expressions and rhetorical tropes at all levels.
En los países de América Latina se ha vuelto relevante la opinión y protesta de la comunidad evangélica. Por años la presencia de este grupo era reducida en el espacio público, pese a ser un grupo numeroso de la sociedad. En la actualidad este sector de la población busca ser representado en la política, evidenciado en la cantidad de candidatos evangélicos que se han presentado en las últimas dos elecciones, las manifestaciones públicas de organizaciones evangélicas y los esfuerzos por levantar plataformas políticas para evangélicos, incluyendo partidos políticos. Este fenómeno se torna relevante porque estos grupos pueden afectar de forma directa la agenda pública con un marcado conservadurismo. El objetivo general del artículo es comprender el motivo por el cual los evangélicos se han movilizado políticamente en los últimos años mediante el intento de formación de un partido político evangélico y por medio de candidaturas para cargos de representación popular. ; In Latin American countries, the opinion and protest of the evangelical community has become relevant. For many years the presence of this group was reduced in the public sphere, despite being a large group of society. Today this sector of the population seeks to be represented in politics, as evidenced by the number of evangelical candidates who have been presented in the last two elections, the public rallies by evangelical organizations and the efforts to raise different political platforms for evangelicals, including political parties. This phenomenon becomes relevant because these groups can directly affect the public agenda with a marked conservatism. The overall objective of this article is to understand why evangelical people have mobilized politically in the last years through the attempt to form an evangelical political party and through candidacies for positions of popular representation.
Since Vladimir Putin came to power in 2000, has formed a petrostate, based on the wealth of oil, while strengthening a new bureaucracy and a new industrial economy. The Russian managed democracy, as has been cataloged, it's just a hint of a political system that hides a dictatorshi p, as the monopoly of political power is held by a single party, United Russia, leaving truce to political parties dissident forces with the design that prevent the release of the opposition to submit their proposals. The growing public protests against the policies of the government through violent attack leaving the full totalitarian policies of the twentieth century no longer remember the freedoms and the rule of law, democracy is threatened.In the following essay we analyze the role played by political dissent by the Russian President Vladimir Putin on his two presidential governments (2000-2004 and 2004-2008) and how we view the politics taken by the regime of Vladimir Putin to silence these voices. ; Vladimir Putin desde que llegara al poder en el año 2000, ha formado un petroestado, sustentado en las riquezas del petróleo, a la par que ha fortalecido un aparato burocrático de nuevos industriales y de una nueva clase económica. La democracia dirigida rusa, como se ha catalogado, no es más que una insinuación de un sistema político que oculta una dictadura, dado que el monopolio del poder político está en manos de un solo partido- Rusia Unida- dejando sin tregua a los partidos políticos disidentes con el diseño de fuerzas que impidan la libertad de los opositores de dar a conocer sus propuestas. Las crecientes protestas públicas en contra de las políticas del gobierno se atacan con medidas violentas dejando que las políticas totalitarias de pleno siglo XX dejen de ser un recuerdo y las libertades de un estado de derecho, democrático, se vean amenazadas.El siguiente ensayo persigue fundamentalmente analizar el papel que ha jugado la disidencia política del presidente ruso Vladimir Putin bajo sus dos gobiernos presidenciales (2000-2004 y 2004-2008) y ver las políticas tomadas por el régimen de Vladimir Putin de acallar estas voces.
Of the badest known diseases, violence and hate, and of the most naturalized, symbolic violence. It seems that we have managed to transform the creative capacity of human beings into sophisticated forms of violence that are expressed in ways that are visible and that are "socially" accepted. We also think that these ways of relating and controlling one another over the other are possibly the easiest way we have found to channel differentness, differently, to change and change between many other activators of social fears. As a way of compensating for the repudiation and censorship of more traditional violence, subtle ways of control, dominance and the exercise of hate over "others" reappear, as well as behaviors in the polls, for fear of exclusion from isolation. Elisabeth Noelle-Neumann (1995) and she planted it in her studies on public opinion, referring to the well-known "spiral of silence", affirms that individuals are able to change their opinions so that they don't feel isolated from the group or the good , submerge in silence if they perceive that their opinions do not coincide with what, in appearance, are dominant and majority. ; De los males más conocidos, la violencia y el odio, y de los más naturalizados, la violencia simbólica. Pareciera que logramos transformar la capacidad creativa de los seres humanos en sofisticadas formas de violencia que se expresan de maneras poco visibles y que son "socialmente" aceptadas. También es de sospechar, que estas maneras de relacionarse y de ejercer control de unos sobre otros, es posiblemente la forma más fácil que hemos encontrado para canalizar el miedo a lo diferente, al otro, a lo nuevo y al cambio entre muchos otros activadores de los temores sociales. Como una forma de compensar el repudio y la censura a la violencia más tradicional, reaparecen sutiles vías de control, de dominación y de ejercicio del odio sobre "los otros", como comportamientos no cuestionados, por temor a la exclusión o al aislamiento. Elisabeth Noelle-Neumann (1995) ya lo planteaba en sus estudios sobre la opinión pública, al referirse a la bien conocida "espiral del silencio", afirmaba que los individuos son capaces de cambiar sus opiniones con tal de no sentirse aislados del grupo o bien, sumergirse en el silencio si perciben que sus opiniones no coinciden con las que, en apariencia, son las dominantes y mayoritarias.
Sport and politics may seem to be two aspects of human life that, at first glance, may appear to be very dissimilar or separate from each other, as they are considered to be alien or separate from each other. In contrast, what this paper seeks to demonstrate is that there is a very close relationship between politics and the practice of sports. ; El deporte y la política puede que parezcan dos aspectos de la vida del ser humano que, a simple vista, pueden parecer muy disimiles o separados entre sí al considerarse como ajenos o separados el uno del otro. En contraste, lo que se busca demostrar en este escrito es que hay una relación muy estrecha entre la política y la práctica deportiva.
