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Although there are antecedents of university teaching on international relations in chairs of international law, the configuration of a career plan in Uruguay occurred in the 1990s in the context of the transition from authoritarian rule to democracy. This article examines the organization of undergraduate and postgraduate university programs in international studies. The results of the analysis demonstrate the importance of interdisciplinary exchange between economics, political science and international relations studies in the formulation of the curriculum, in the development of research and in the relationship with academic centers in the region. The document is articulated in the following axes: conceptual elaboration, thematic areas of research and incidence of knowledge in society. ; Aunque existen antecedentes de enseñanza universitaria sobre relaciones internacionales en cátedras de derecho internacional, la configuración de un plan de carrera en Uruguay se produce en la década de los años noventa en el contexto de la transición del régimen autoritario a la democracia. Este artículo examina el proceso de organización de los estudios universitarios de pregrado y posgrado en estudios internacionales. Los resultados del análisis demuestran la importancia del intercambio interdisciplinar entre economía, ciencia política y estudios de relaciones internacionales en la formulación del plan de estudios, en el desarrollo de la investigación y en la relación con centros académicos de la región. El documento está articulado en los siguientes ejes: elaboración conceptual, áreas temáticas de la investigación e incidencia del conocimiento en la sociedad.

The effects of the ecotourism in the relationships between inhabitants and their environment are complex and multidimensional. To explore these effects, two community ecotourism initiatives in the Guaviare Province were comparatively analyzed. This territory has been historically affected by the armed conflict and today is given priority as a scenery for the peace construction. The analysis herein articulates approaches both from the political ecology and the socio-ecological systems and considers how important it is to understand the power relations emerging in community ecotourism contexts that, in turn, help to measure how this kind of tourism impacts the socio-ecological dynamics and the strategies by the peasant families who try to diversify their economies to made them sustainable. ; Los efectos del ecoturismo en las relaciones entre habitantes y su entorno son complejos y multidimensionales. Para explorar estos efectos, se analizan comparativamente dos iniciativas ecoturísticas comunitarias del departamento del Guaviare, un territorio históricamente afectado por el conflicto armado y hoy priorizado como escenario de construcción de paz. El análisis articula enfoques de la ecología política y de los sistemas socioecológicos y destaca la pertinencia de comprender las relaciones de poder que emergen en contextos de ecoturismo comunitario que, a su vez, ayudan a dimensionar la manera en que este tipo particular de turismo incide en las dinámicas socioecológicas y en las estrategias de familias campesinas que buscan diversificar sus economías en clave sostenible.

International audience ; Facing a present and coming environmental crisis (Bourg, Joly, Kaufmann, 2013), political actors and citizens think and act for the necessary changes for tomorrow. Worldwide population mostly live in city (Sassen, 2004), place where is produced a lot of waste. Cities became places of consuming more than production (Parham, 2012) and seek to change today, to take in account environmental topics. If municipalities and public actors try solutions, citizens initiatives like collective gardens emerge to bring back nature in cities. We suppose that these actions, with a development and appropriation of public and collective space, allow the participation of residents and citizens to the construction of the territory. ; Face à une crise environnementale présente et à venir (Bourg, Joly, Kaufmann, 2013), acteurs politiques comme citoyens se mobilisent aujourd'hui pour penser les changements nécessaires pour demain. Devenue un lieu de consommation beaucoup plus que de production (Parham, 2012), la ville cherche aujourd'hui à changer, à se métamorphoser, pour laisser place aux questions environnementales. Si les municipalités et les acteurs publics tentent en effet de mettre en avant des solutions pour remettre de la nature en ville, des initiatives citoyennes telles que les jardins collectifs émergent pour retrouver un certain rapport à la terre. Nous postulons ainsi que ces formes d'actions, au travers d'un développement et d'une appropriation d'espaces collectifs et publics, permettent une participation des habitants à la construction du territoire.

Dalia Grybauskaitė została wybrana na prezydenta Litwy w 2009 r. Od tego czasu używa żeńskiej wersji rzeczownika "president' – prezidentė". Chociaż prezydent na Litwie ma ograniczone prawa konstytucyjne, to jednak Grybauskaitė zdołała wykorzystać możliwości wzmocnienia swojej pozycji. Mimo że wywodzi się z partii komunistycznej, zawarła sojusz po-lityczny z litewskimi partiami prawicowymi. Jej priorytetem było zmniejszenie zależności Litwy od USA. Niemniej jednak rozwój sytuacji między-narodowej po roku 2013 sprawił, że Grybauskaitė zmieniła swoje plany. Od tego czasu znana jest ze swoich wrogich wystąpień przeciwko Rosji. Podczas kampanii prezydenckiej w 2014 r. została oskarżona o agenturalne związki z KGB w okresie przed odrodzeniem niepodległości. Pomimo tych oskarżeń ponownie wygrała wybory. ; Dalia Grybauskaitė was elected the president of Lithuania in 2009. Since then there has been used a female version of the noun 'president' – prezidentė. The president in Lithuania has limited constitutional rights. However, Grybauskaitė managed to take advantage of the opportunities to strengthen her position. Even though she derives from the communist party, she made political alliance with the Lithuanian right-wing parties. Her priority was to reduce Lithuanian dependence on the USA. Nevertheless, the development of the international situation after 2013 made Grybauskaitė change her plans. Since then she has been renown for her hostile speeches against Russia. During her presidential campaign in 2014 Grybauskaitė was accused of being KGB agent in the past. None-theless, despite the accusations Grybauskaitė won the election again.

This article studies the labor policy implemented by the dictatorship and the ensuing labor union movement's refusal to accept the new guidelines. Important changes concerning Chile's social, political and economic systems were imposed during this period (1973-1981). Pinochet's regime implemented a neoliberal model, restructured the productive system, and suppressed the union movement. Also it generated a new labor plan that reduced the unions' power, limited the right to strike and prohibited collective bargaining by branch. Despite having to weather conditions of repression and persecution, the union movement continued to convene and retaliated with a series of active resistance measures like covert operations, work absences and protests to express their disapproval of the dictatorship and its labor policies. ; El artículo estudia la política laboral de la dictadura y las expresiones de resistencia del movimiento sindical en Chile, entre 1971 y 1981. Durante este período se produjeron cambios importantes en la estructura económica, política y social del país como la reestructuración productiva, la implementación del modelo neoliberal y la represión al movimiento sindical. También se impuso un nuevo plan laboral que atomizó los sindicatos, limitó el derecho a huelga y prohibió las negociaciones colectivas por rama. Aun así, el movimiento sindical se organizó, en condiciones de represión y persecución, para luchar contra la dictadura y sus políticas laborales, llevando adelante una serie de acciones de resistencia como huelgas encubiertas, ausentismo laboral y movilizaciones.

International audience ; This paper analyses Giorgio Agamben's critical position, inasmuch it is based on the idea of bare life. It shows that the critique that the opposite concept of form-of-life enables, and the kind of politics it calls for, are nullified by the fluctuating definition of the phrase "form-of-life". By studying two symmetric but reversed figures of his work (the refugee and the Franciscan, both de-subjected from the sovereign), I also reveal that subtraction is the political action par excellence for Agamben, and that life, which is the fundamental tool of his critique of sovereignty, strangely disappears as such from his project of politicalcommunity. ; Cet article examine la posture critique de Giorgio Agamben, telle qu'elle est fondée sur l'idée de vie nue. Il montre que la critique que pourrait permettre le concept antonyme de forme-de-vie et le type de politique qu'il suggère sont brouillés par deux tendances des travaux d'Agamben : d'une part, la forme-de-vie est définie comme l'autre d'une vie nue dont le signifié flotte ; d'autre part deux figures parallèles et renversées de son oeuvre, le réfugié et le Franciscain (l'un et l'autre dés-assujettis au souverain), analysées ensemble, révèlent qu'Agamben fait de la soustraction le geste politique par excellence, et que la vie, ressort critique de sa dénonciation de la souveraineté, est paradoxalement évacuée de la communauté politique qu'il appelle de ses voeux.

This text is analyzing the use of theoretical approaches to the process of Europeanization, especially the rational choice institutionalism and normative institutionalism, on example of Serbia. The whole process of Europeanization is set in the context of wider process of European integration of the Western Balkans region, and the text is reveiling the deepest interests, which guide the European Union and Serbia in this very process. This approach to the process of Europeanization shows the characteristics of the Serbian path towards EU, and a special attention is paid to the political conditionality, which the European Union is using against Serbia, as a country that wishes to join it. The text is especially dealing with the clarity and the speed of rewarding, as well as centrifugal forces of the process itself. ; Tekst se bavi primenom teoretskih pristupa procesu evropeizacije, pre svega institucionalizma racionalnog izbora i noramtivnog institucionalizma, i to na primeru Srbije. Čitav proces evropeizacije postavljen je u kontekst šireg procesa evropskih integracija regiona Zapadnog Balkana, a tekst otkriva najdublje interese kojima se rukovode Evropska unija i Srbija u samom procesu. Ovakav pristup procesu evropeizacije odslikava karakteristike puta Srbije ka EU, a posebna pažnja je posvećena politici uslovljavanja, koju Evropska unija sprovodi prema Srbiji, kao državi koja želi da postane njen član. Tekst se naročito bavi jasnoćom uslova, brzinom nagrađivanja i centrifugalnim silama samog procesa.

This article addresses the relationship between two primary structural features of the 1951 Convention relating to the Status of Refugees—that many benefits under it accrue on the basis of a refugee's degree of attachment to his or her host state and that many rights under the convention are guaranteed to a refugee only to the extent that they are enjoyed by a particular reference group—and the 1966 International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights' article 26 equality guarantee. Specifically, it examines whether attachment contingencies and reference groups, when incorporated in the refugee laws of states party to the ICCPR, might run afoul of article 26. ; Cet article examine les liens dialectiques entre deux principes essentiels du régime général des réfugiés. Il s'agit du principe d'attachement et de groupe de référence prévus par la Convention de 1951 sur le Statut des réfugiés et de l'égalité devant la loi telle que garantie par l'article 26 du Pacte international relatif aux droits civils et politiques de 1966 (PIRCP). L'étendue des droits garantis par le régime conventionnel dépend du degré d'attachement du réfugié à son pays d'accueil et de la reconnaissance de ces droits au groupe de référence. Plus précisément, l'article analyse les conflits potentiels entre les garanties offertes par le régime général du PIRCP et la réception du principe decontingence et de groupe de référence dans les droits nationaux des Etats parties.

In this paper, the author analyzes the way in which the Salvadoran State, during the years 1832 to 1880, intended to shape a kind of Catholic citizen, starting from elementary school. The research shows that such system educated the children (future citizens) for eternal life (celestial) instead of training them for the tasks of the State. Nevertheless, the Salvadoran State (at least until 1880) saw in the Catholic religion the most suitable form to shape the citizens that the fatherland demanded. The education of the lay citizen would start until the decade of 1880, having as a precedent the teaching of political catechism, which was made official in the decade of 1870. ; En este trabajo, el autor analiza cómo en El Salvador de los años 1832-1880, el estado salvadoreño se propuso forjar, en las escuelas de primeras letras, un tipo de ciudadano católico. La investigación demuestra que aquel tipo de educación primaria preparaba al niño (futuro ciudadano) más para la vida eterna (celestial) que para los propios quehaceres del estado. No obstante, el estado salvadoreño, al menos hasta 1880, vio en la religión católica el medio idóneo para formar a los ciudadanos que la patria demandaba. La educación del ciudadano laico iniciaría hasta la década de 1880, teniendo como antecedente la enseñanza del catecismo político, formalizada en la década de 1870.

La presente investigación se concentró en el análisis de las principales políticas del Estado venezolano para el desarrollo de la Educación Superior, tanto desde su formulación como de sus efectos a lo largo de su ejecución, tomando en consideración para ello la perspectiva cuantitativa que involucra su expansión como tembién la cualitativa asociada con su propia estructuración, modernización y desarrollo en el período democrático a partir de 1958, enfatizando el lapso comprendido entre 1989-2004, en el cual se hace manifiesta una crisis grave del régimen de democracia representativa acordado por los partidos políticos y otros actores de poder, y también del modelo de crecimiento económico que venía caracterizando a la sociedad venezolana desde 1958.Public Policies for the Development of Venezuelan Higher Education 1989-2004AbstractThe present research focuses on the analysis of the main policies of the Venezuelan State for the development of higher education, from their formulation to its effects along their execution. Consideration is taken from a quantitative perspective that involves its expansion, as well as a qualitative perspective associated with its proper structure, modernization and development in the democratic period from 1958. Emphasizing the period included among 1989-2004 in which a serious crisis comes up from a regime of representative democracy established by political parties and other actors of power, and the model of economic growth which characterized the Venezuelan society from 1958.

Cet article prétend présenter les valeurs du roman noir. Il essaiera d'abord de se centrer sur les valeurs externes, c'està- dire, les valeurs de témoignage, sociales et politiques exhibées et reconnues par de multiples essais. Ensuite, il tentera de pénétrer au plus profond de son idéologie pour mettre à jour sa valeur réelle: la mort et sa symbolisation dans le roman policier et noir, toutes tendances confondues, afin de montrer que les pulsions de mort qui mènent au crime poursuivent un but: établir un rituel mortel pour le transformer en un sacrifice offert au lecteur ou à la lectrice. Finalement, dans le roman criminel, personne n'est innocent, même pas celui ou celle qui lit. ; This article tries to present the values of the crime novel. On the one hand, it focuses on those values sustained by its external ideological content, i.e., on the nominal, social and political value documented in numerous essays. On the other hand, it delves into its hidden ideology, and deepest values: death and its symbolical representation in the detective and black story in order to show that the death instincts that lead to murder are aimed at an end: establish, murder after murder, a deadly ritual that becomes a real sacrifice for the reader. Thus, in the crime novel, no one is innocent, not even those who read it.

Since its unification in 1905, the French Socialist Party has been hesitating between reform and revolution. Even after the re-funding of the Party at the Epinay Conference. Under François Mitterrand, claims for rupture were made but the party moved away from its revolutionary positions in order to fit the political conditions of the time. Prime Minister Lionel Jospin attempted to reformulate a new ideological synthesis, but he was defeated in the 2002 Presidential Election. In 2007, the Socialist Party failed to define a coherent ideological line by fear of division. Despite its Statement on Principles of 2008, the Socialist Party's project is still very ambiguous. ; L'équilibre idéologique du parti socialiste français, depuis l'unification de 1905, a toujours résulté de la tension entre réforme et révolution. La refondation du parti au congrès d'Épinay n'a pas rompu avec ce schéma. François Mitterrand a revendiqué une volonté de rupture mais il a créé les conditions politiques qui ont conduit à un effacement de la perspective révolutionnaire. Lionel Jospin, Premier ministre, a tenté d'établir une nouvelle synthèse idéologique. Mais les conditions de sa défaite de 2002 ont ruiné cette tentative. Le parti, pour conserver son unité, a abouti en 2007 à une synthèse sans orientation idéologique claire. La nouvelle déclaration de principe de 2008 affirme la nature réformiste du parti. Mais le projet socialiste de 2010 entretient une forte ambiguïté sur ce point.

Since its unification in 1905, the French Socialist Party has been hesitating between reform and revolution. Even after the re-funding of the Party at the Epinay Conference. Under François Mitterrand, claims for rupture were made but the party moved away from its revolutionary positions in order to fit the political conditions of the time. Prime Minister Lionel Jospin attempted to reformulate a new ideological synthesis, but he was defeated in the 2002 Presidential Election. In 2007, the Socialist Party failed to define a coherent ideological line by fear of division. Despite its Statement on Principles of 2008, the Socialist Party's project is still very ambiguous. ; L'équilibre idéologique du parti socialiste français, depuis l'unification de 1905, a toujours résulté de la tension entre réforme et révolution. La refondation du parti au congrès d'Épinay n'a pas rompu avec ce schéma. François Mitterrand a revendiqué une volonté de rupture mais il a créé les conditions politiques qui ont conduit à un effacement de la perspective révolutionnaire. Lionel Jospin, Premier ministre, a tenté d'établir une nouvelle synthèse idéologique. Mais les conditions de sa défaite de 2002 ont ruiné cette tentative. Le parti, pour conserver son unité, a abouti en 2007 à une synthèse sans orientation idéologique claire. La nouvelle déclaration de principe de 2008 affirme la nature réformiste du parti. Mais le projet socialiste de 2010 entretient une forte ambiguïté sur ce point.

This article shows that the work of the German Marxist philosopher Theodor W. Adorno offers a surprisingly rich resource for postcolonial theory. Adorno's work addresses the world outside Europe more often than one might expect. But it is not so much what Adorno thinks as how he thinks that makes him a postcolonialist. Adorno's philosophy of negative dialectics tracks particular phenomena to the totality of which they are a part. Everything, from the most innocuous details of everyday life to the Holocaust and imperialism, is linked to the world-encircling, thought-frustrating and violence-inducing system of capitalism. But Adorno's characteristic negativity also makes him sensitive to that system's fallibility and its vulnerability to alternatives. The article therefore touches on the normative dimensions of Adorno's moral philosophy. Adorno's work commands attention because of its dialectical style of thinking, its consequent focus on capitalism's intrinsic violence, its belief that effective political action presupposes introspection and a moral capacity for empathy with others' suffering, and its attractive conviction that these aptitudes can be enabled by aesthetic experience. Accordingly, the essay concludes with a reading of the South African writer J. M. Coetzee's novel Disgrace. This article seeks to show that an Adornian postcolonial criticism is as concerned with the gratuitous longevity of capitalism and imperialism as it is inspired by the prospect of erecting a more just and egalitarian social order. © 2010 Taylor & Francis.

El presente trabajo es el resumen de la Memoria de Licenciatura en Humanidades, Las raíces de la eficacia del discurso homilético de Fray Vicente Ferrer en la campaña de predicación castellana de 1411-1412, leída el 24 de octubre de 2007 en la Universidad de Alicante y dirigida por el profesor del Departamento de Historia Medieval Juan Antonio Barrio Barrio. ; La colección de sermones de la campaña de predicación castellana de 1411-1412 de fray Vicente Ferrer, recopilados en el Códice del Corpus Christi de Valencia, permite enraizar la eficacia del discurso del dominico en el aval que le otorgan la Corona y los poderes civiles y eclesiásticos a cuyos fines políticos sirve emitiendo un mensaje que finalmente publicita la norma legal vigente. El contenido de dicho mensaje, emitido en medio de un espectáculo de liturgia teatralizada, es coercitivo por la presencia de la horda de flagelantes que acompaña al predicador. ; The sermons of friar Vicente Ferrer's preaching campaign in Castilla during 1411-1412, collected in the Corpus Christi's Códex of Valencia, set the effectiveness roots of the preaching down in the support given to the preacher by the Crown and other civil and ecclesiastical powers, whose political goals the Dominican friar serves by publicizing the actual legal rules. The contents of the message is coercive in the end, because of the theatralized liturgy and the flagellants horde acompanishing friar Vicente while he preaches.