Suchergebnisse

This Research Note is based on documentary material that has been for the most part unexplored, i.e., letters and other documents pertaining to Hannah Arendt's relationship with Dorothy Day and the Catholic Worker Movement, on her work with Nancy and Dwight Macdonald for the Spanish Refugee Aid Organization, on her anti-war activities (as well as causes she disavowed), and on her influence on American law discussions. It also analyzes and evaluates Arendt's views on political action, her own and that of others, and uses the earlier findings to illuminate both as well as reconcile her often contradictory statements on the dichotomy between thinking by oneself and acting in concert.

This Research Note is based on documentary material that has been for the most part unexplored, i.e., letters and other documents pertaining to Hannah Arendt's relationship with Dorothy Day and the Catholic Worker Movement, on her work with Nancy and Dwight Macdonald for the Spanish Refugee Aid Organization, on her anti-war activities (as well as causes she disavowed), and on her influence on American law discussions. It also analyzes and evaluates Arendt's views on political action, her own and that of others, and uses the earlier findings to illuminate both as well as reconcile her often contradictory statements on the dichotomy between thinking by oneself and acting in concert.

This book on the architecture of Tirana contains findings of the interdisciplinary seminar "TIRANA. Architecture as Political Actor" at Bauhaus-Universität Weimar. In photographs, texts and diagrams it shows the approach to an unknown city that was explored following the ideas of the Actor Network Theory (ANT). Thus, the book gives an insight into scientific as well as artistic works, both mirroring the attempt to grasp the role of architecture within political processes in the 20th century and today. In this compilation of the architectural-political networks, an image of the city of Tirana emerges that gives an idea of specific built structures as well as of the architecture as political actor on a meta-level. In doing so, the book itself becomes an actor in the discussion of the relationship of architecture and politics in Albania and an example for the use of ANT as scientific-artistic tool for the research on architectural "things" in the context of a city.

Nietzsche's concept of the higher man is often seen as vague. The article adds concreteness to the concept by studying an example of a higher man, Napoleon. Napoleon embodied power and spiritual health, and was therefore an admirable person. By looking at Nietzsche's description of Napoleon as an artist, we also gain insight into the higher man as a political actor: he uses the public arena as the medium on which he practices his art. In doing so, he presents himself as a exemplar of humanity, inspiring others to seek their own path to excellence. By studying this, we gain important insight into Nietzsche's political teaching. But Nietzsche's account of Napoleon is not one-sided: he also describes Napoleon's corruption. The fall of a higher man is both a warning of the dangers of the political realm, and a reminder that sickness and health are closely connected. Even the mightiest individual is fragile.

The purpose of this scientific article is to determine the characteristics of youth socio-political organizations that act as an actor in public policy. The authors established the arachaism of the approach that differentiates youth associations according to the territorial criterion. The article analyzes such a significant feature as the influence of youth organizations on political processes, including the processes of making government decisions. Conclusions. In the political science sense, a youth organization as a participant in political relations at the domestic or international levels has certain properties. The authors refer to them as: representing the interests of youth groups; availability of a resource base; participation in political communication; the desire to influence government decisions. But the differences between youth organizations are limited to the scale of influence and to the subject of political relations. The authors state that the presence or absence of resources is not a determining criterion for the recognition of a public organization as an actor of public policy. In this interpretation, the ability of a public association to formulate and express its own interests, and not the implementation of the will of another political actor (for example, a political party or state), acquires significance.