Suchergebnisse

Cover -- Half Title -- Title Page -- Dedication -- Copyright Page -- Table of Contents -- List of Tables and Figures -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction -- Part I: The Concept of Political Capacity -- 1 Relative Political Capacity: Political Extraction and Political Reach -- 2 Theoretical Link of Political Capacity to Development -- Part II: Economic Applications -- 3 Political Capacity and Economic Determinants of Inflation -- 4 Political Capacity and the Use of Seigniorage -- 5 Political Capacity and Private Investment -- 6 Political Capacity and Economic Growth -- 7 Political Capacity, Macroeconomic Factors, and Capital Flows -- 8 Political Capacity and Black Market Premiums -- Part III: Political Applications -- 9 Political Capacity and Government Resource Transfers -- 10 Political Capacity and Demographic Change -- 11 Political Capacity and Violence -- 12 Political Capacity, Growth, and Distributive Commitments -- Part IV: Extending Political Capacity -- 13 Political Capacity and the Economic Frontier -- 14 New Estimates of Political Capacity -- 15 Alternative Approaches to Estimating Political Capacity -- 16 The Unfinished Agenda -- Bibliography -- Index -- About the Book and Editors

In this article, we examine how agencies build organizational political capacities (OPC) for reputation management, where capacity building is treated as a challenge underpinned by the learning relationships that exist between key governance actors. This challenge requires the development of four types of OPC: absorptive capacity (ACAP); administrative capacity (ADCAP); analytical capacity (ANCAP) and communicative capacity (COMCAP). Analytically, we link each of these capacities to one particular type of policy learning — reflexive learning — which characterises politicised situations where an agencies reputation is under threat and citizens are the main governance partners. Empirically, we demonstrate how agencies learn to develop these OPCs with governance partners using the case of the UK Health and Safety Executive (HSE) which increasingly aims to engage citizens in a dialogue to combat the negative images attached to health and safety regulation. We conclude asking what a learning approach tells us about how agencies can develop OPC.

Physical-economic models of neighborhood change, popularly used by neighborhood planners, are beginning to give way to more politically oriented models. The experience of Pennsylvania's Neighborhood Preservation Support System prototype projects provides evidence of this shift. Such models do not call for blind community control, but for facili tating the development of neighborhood political capacities.

English edition has title: The American Negro as a political factor. ; "Reprinted from the 'Nineteenth Century' of England" ; Cover title. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; digitized ; The online edition of this book in the public domain, i.e., not protected by copyright, has been produced by the Emory University Digital library Publications Program

Provides new insights into depoliticisation literatures by applying depoliticisation beyond economic and monetary policy to energy and climate change policy. Demonstrates ways in which forms of depoliticisation can affect political capacity to respond to new policy challenges. Challenges climate change and energy transition literatures by explaining how and why UK energy policy institutions have constrained innovation and sustainable change. Depoliticisation, as a concept, has been utilised to explain specific aspects of economic governance as it has developed over the past thirty years, particularly in certain OECD countries. This article focuses on the outcomes of three forms of depoliticisation, marketised, technocratic and non-deliberative, for political capacity. Political capacity is defined in relation to a notion of politics as social interaction, deliberation, choice and agency. Using UK energy governance as a case study it claims that the depoliticisation of energy policy has resulted in embedded corporate power, a widening disjuncture between experts and majoritarian institutions and limited knowledge structures. As a result the state's role is still confined to giver of market signals and to temporary interventions in the face of complex and unprecedented commitments to transition the UK towards a low carbon future.

This article explores the merits of foregrounding the dichotomy of politicization vs de-politicization for our understanding of bio-objects in order to study their production, circulation, and governance in European societies. By asking how bio-objects are configured in science, policy, public, and media discourses and practices, we focus on the role of socio-technical configurations in generating political relations. The bio-object thereby serves as an entry point to approach and conceptualize "the political" in an innovative way. Drawing from our previous work, which uses the concepts of de-politicization and (re-)politicization, this paper puts forward a research agenda for studying the political relations generated by specific socio-technical configurations of bio-objects. ; Peer reviewed

This article explores the merits of foregrounding the dichotomy of politicization vs de-politicization for our understanding of bio-objects in order to study their production,circulation, and governance in European societies.By asking how bio-objects are configured in science, policy, public,and media discourses and practices,we focus on the role ofsocio-technical configurations in generating political relations. The bio-object thereby serves as an entry point to approach and conceptualize>the political>in an innovative way.Drawing from our previous work, which uses the concepts of de-politicization and (re-)politicization, this paper puts forward a research agenda for studying the political relations generated by specific socio-technical configurations of bio-objects. ; Peer Reviewed

With data from 15 Indian states, in this study I demonstrate that political capacity, defined as the ability of government to penetrate society and extract resources, has a more significant—though indirect—effect on fertility behavior than does level of economic development. A path-analysis model with six variables—crude birth rate (the dependent variable), family-planning-program effort, mean female age at marriage, physical-quality-of-life index (PQLI), income per capita, and political capacity—showed a strong indirect effect by the political-capacity measure on fertility decline through both the PQLI and family-planning effort. Within the model, income per capita had little effect on birth rate or any of the intervening variables. The conclusion drawn is that under conditions of economic backwardness as exist in India, it is politics, not economics, that is the primary determinant of fertility patterns.

AbstractStates that grant their leaders extraordinary powers in times of emergency do so to protect the nation against dramatic shocks. Implicit in this choice is the assumption that the government will better retain its capacity when confronted with an emergency situation if the leader can invoke emergency powers. This remains an untested proposition. In this article, we challenge this assumption and argue that the relationship between emergency powers and political capacity depends on both the nature of the emergency itself and the type of capacity in question. We find that emergency powers better allow the government to extract resources from the public during periods of emergency. However, it is only in national political emergencies where these resources are well allocated. After extra‐territorial emergencies, increased emergency power strength leads to inefficient government allocation. This suggests that emergency powers are not a panacea guarding against the ills of crisis.