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Human rights do not exist. To be more precise, in the year 1998 human rights do not exist and no one can know if they will exist in the future. This ascertainment is inescapable if people wish to strictly define the concept of 'right' and 'human right' without taking into consideration political-ideological expediencies. A 'right' is not something that exists merely as a phantom in the minds of philosophers or that flourishes on the lips of propagandists. The very essence of a right entails by definition that it can be demanded and imposed, and a 'human right' can only be one that is enjoyed by all humans purely and simply because they are humans, ie, without the mediation of ruling authorities and collective subjects (eg, nations and states), which, from a conceptual and physical viewpoint, are narrower than humanity as a whole. Here, Kondylis critical dissects the notion of human rights that examines both conceptual imprecision in the use of the term and its frequent political instrumentalization. Adapted from the source document.

მიუხედავად იმისა, რომ საქართველოს მოსახლეობის ეთნიკური იდენტობის განსაზღვრისას რეგიონული კუთვნილება მათთვის მნიშვნელობის მქონეა, შეიმჩნევა ქართველ ერთან, როგორც ერთ მთლიანობასთან გაიგივების ტენდენცია. დაახლოების სწრაფვა ერში შესაძლოა გამოწვეული იყოს სხვადასხვა ისტორიული, პოლიტიკური და სოციალური გარემოებებით. საქართველოსა და მის ორ რეგიონს, აფხაზეთსა და სამხრეთ ოსეთს შორის კონფლიქტის გამომწვევი ერთ-ერთი მიზეზი, შესაძლოა სათავეს იღებდეს როგორც სახელმწიფო რიტორიკიდან, ასევე ხელოვნების მოღვაწეთა ერთგვარი კულტურული "კონტრიბუციიდან". განვლილი წლების მანძილზე მუსიკოსები უმღერდნენ საქართველოს, როგორც ერს და განსაკუთრებულ ყურადღებას სწორედ ქვეყნის ერთიანობაზე ამახვილებდნენ. 2008 წლის აგვისტოს ომმა რამდენიმე ცვლილება განაპირობა ქვეყანაში. ჩემს სტატიაში ეს ცვლილებები განხილული იქნება ტრანსფორმაციამდე და მისი შემდგომი პერიოდის მუსიკალური მონაცემების მიხედვით, იდენტობაზე როგორც რიტორიკის, ასევე პოზიციონირების გავლენის თვალსაზრისით.

Exploitation has a deservedly bad reputation as an analytic concept in the social sciences. But this need not be so; a simple definition of exploitation is advanced that has a positive basis. Exploitation should be defined as the result of rent-seeking activity that results in social outcomes that are not Paretooptimal. Government, or the organization with a constitutional monopoly on the legitimate use of force, is ideally charged with balancing two competing kinds of exploitation. The first is the private exploitation of agents acting in unregulated markets where property rights are undefined and unenforced. The second is political exploitation using the powers of government itself. The ideal task of government is to minimize the total exploitative activity in the polity. Five case studies are offered as illustrations of political exploitation, and how difficult the task of balancing is.

Kamala Das is one of the great voices of feminine sensibility in the history of Indian English literature. She wrote poetical and non-poetical works on love and sex very openly and frankly. Political issues have also been a concerning matter in the personal as well as political life of Kamala Das. Her poetical or non-poetical works have the source of political issues in the form of feminine exploitation to the core of life in the patriarchal society all over the world. Her literary works have a great source of such exploitation in not only her social views but also in the politics, extending from the local to the upper level of cabinet ministry. The present research paper is trying to explore the political exploitation of the feminine sensibility in her novel, Alphabet of Lust, 1976.

The Covid-19 pandemic has been an issue ready for political exploitation, and it has con­tributed to political polarization in western democracies . In Germany, the Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) adapted its policy positions and performative style and took advantage of the changing circumstances in the pandemic . The pandemic situation thus provided a political opportunity for the AfD to grow its own political repertoire, acting as a challenger party . An overview of evolving party strategy and a content analysis of select legislative debates held in the Bundestag between the outbreak of the pandemic in February 2020 and August 2021 shows that the AfD behaved as an "issue entrepreneur" in the months after the onset of the public health crisis and that it used its populist critique of the government­managed response to the public health crisis to inform a parliamentary strategy of disrup­tion . The party's behavior led to more adversarial and polarized parliamentary politics . This is relevant to the broader study of pressures imparted by the pandemic crisis on parliamen­tary governance as well as of today's populist far-right parties and their impact on parlia­mentary democracy .

Abstract
Right-wing populists often mobilize popular support by employing a people-versus-elite dichotomy in which they cast 'the people' as the underdog, or by 'performing' crisis to discredit the elite. Such 'underdogism', and the reliance on crisis more broadly, remains an effective strategy for as long as populists are in opposition. But what happens when populists gain power? One would expect that they would not be able to exploit their position as effectively and their appeal would weaken drastically. In certain cases, however, they still manage to sustain the underdog illusion. This article argues that memory politics are an important locus for populists to maintain their underdog rhetoric, and within that field the performance of victimhood is key. Building on theories about the performance of crisis and recent trends in research on memory politics in Central Europe, we propose a framework for understanding how governing right-wing populists justify vindictive policies and thus try to cement their power.