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This special issue entails a twofold question about the nature of political metaphors, or to put it differently, about the nature of metaphors in political discourse, on the one hand, and the nature of their reception, on the other hand.

This special issue entails a twofold question about the nature of political metaphors, or to put it differently, about the nature of metaphors in political discourse, on the one hand, and the nature of their reception, on the other hand.

This special issue entails a twofold question about the nature of political metaphors, or to put it differently, about the nature of metaphors in political discourse, on the one hand, and the nature of their reception, on the other hand.

The fact that "We live by metaphors" has now been widely accepted by the scholarly community of linguists around the world after the seminal work of Lakoff and Johnson (1980). Metaphors are not only figures of speech serving mere rhetorical purposes but also and above all powerful conceptual tools to depict abstract and complex realities through familiar domains. Metaphors can thus be found in our daily life, including our political life. Yet in this domain, the political impact of metaphors is often taken for granted. Therefore a more global understanding of what this political impact could consist of is needed to further the current research agenda. As Koller (2009, 121) puts it: "metaphor helps construct particular aspects of reality and reproduce (or subvert) dominant schemas." To be able to account for how metaphors, through discourses, actively shape the political reality, it is important to look at the relationships between metaphorical discourses and their environment. Based on the idea that metaphors do not only reflect the perceived reality, but also function as cues through which citizens come to understand complex political processes and through which they shape political behaviours, the aim of this study is precisely to look at how specific metaphors might impact on the citizens. Too often such political impact is assumed. Yet the identification of metaphors in political discourses does not necessarily implies that these metaphors matter and matter politically. While on the production side the use of the metaphors is probably meaningful – should it be deliberate, and this is a hotly debated issue (see works by Steen and by Gibbs) – on the reception side the question remains open whether a given metaphor has an impact on individuals and how. Comparing the various experimental conditions will make it possible (i) to measure the impact of the Tetris metaphor on the citizens' perceptions and representations of Belgian federalism, (ii) to assess to what extent the different metaphorical media differently contribute to this impact and (iii) to measure the long-term impact of this metaphor on the citizens' political representations and attitudes. In answering these questions, this study will contribute to a better understanding of the role and functions metaphors play in political discourse, and more globally in our everyday political interactions.

In this presentation, we present our previous experimental research on the political impact of metaphors and the ADAPOF project (2015-2019): A discursive approach of the paradox of federalism in linguisJcally divided democracies: Diachronic and synchronic analyses of state reforms' discourses and their impact in Belgium.

In this presentation, we present our previous experimental research on the political impact of metaphors and the ADAPOF project (2015-2019): A discursive approach of the paradox of federalism in linguisJcally divided democracies: Diachronic and synchronic analyses of state reforms' discourses and their impact in Belgium.

Ms. Rebick discusses the history of section 15 and argues that it is important to note that it was the women's movement and the burgeoning disability rights movement that fought to strengthen the language of section 15 against some considerable resistance on the part of the Liberal government of the day. The strong equality rights language of section 15 is due to the creativity, mobilization, and persistence of the women's movement. Whatever the legal impact of the Charter the political impact has been overwhelmingly positive. Whether or not women have actually won rights under section 15, women believe that they have the right to equality and that is incredibly important. In fact, Canadians believe deeply in the equality rights of the Charter and this belief has helped to fuel equality rights movements in Canada that have been mobilizing over the last decades up to and including the most recent example of gays and lesbians in the same-sex marriage struggle. Ms. Rebick notes that the women's movement considered the inclusion of section 28 a major victory for equality rights in Canada, our Equal Rights Amendment. Yet in the history of Charter litigation and despite the dismal record of litigation on gender equality for women, section 28 has rarely been used. Lawyers see section 28 as a back up to section 15 rather than as a counter to section 1 and perhaps some discussion on section 28 would be a useful way to improve the court record on women's equality.

The purpose is to explore the impact of shifting att's upon forms of pol'al involvement & participation that might shape the outcome of an issue. Data were obtained from a panel survey of 400 R's in Detroit, Mich, concerning the fluoridation referenda held there in 1965 & 1966. R's were classified into 4 groups: Consistents, Converts, Ambivalents, & Indecisives. The sharpest diff's in interest or reading about the issue, electoral turnout, ballot 'roll-off,' & voting 'error' were displayed by Consistents, who may have exerted the greatest impact upon the election, & Indecisives, who may have had the least effect. The influence of changing opinions upon the results of the controversy, however, also was reflected in the tendency of Converts to exhibit lower rates of persistent nonvoting, ballot 'roll-off,' & voting 'error' than Ambivalents. AA.

The article presents a broad outline of economic consequences of the Asian-Pacific era, social and political institutions of the countries of the Pacific region, values and beliefs of these countries, world politics in the Asia-Pacific era among other issues. It is pointed out that the USA's role in the region will be that of a business partner rather than institutional and ideological preceptor. (DÜI-Sen)