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This paper discuss the rebirth of trust studies in recent years, especially in the field of political attitudes and opinions. The case study presented try to explore the relationship between electoral behaviour and political orientations, regarding the people's views about the role of state, market and 'third sector' and application of law or social self-regulation. We found prevailing statists and liberal orientations, but also a 'concealed' group of Portuguese voters.

AbstractThe connections between narcissism and political orientations have been theorized by scholars and increasingly evoked by political parties, politicians, public intellectuals, and the media. Yet surprisingly little research has been undertaken to empirically asses the veracity of these claims. We address this lacuna by identifying the relationship between narcissism, political ideologies, and partisanship in a nationally representative sample taken days before the 2016 U.S. presidential election. Overall, we find those on the left and right are equally narcissistic. However, liberals and conservatives differ in which dimensions drive their narcissism. Specifically, we find that the entitlement facet of narcissism is uniformly related to more conservative positions, whereas exhibitionism is related to more liberal values, including political party identification. Narcissism, as a complex multidimensional construct, has an important role in understanding political ideology.

The nearly simultaneous appearance of the 2 books by William Kornhauser, THE POLITICS OF MASS SOCIETY, (Glencoe, Ill: Free Press, 1959) & Seymour Martin Lipset, POLITICAL MAN, (See SA 7523) constitutes an important landmark in the development of pol'al sociol. Their common focus of interest is on the soc conditions which underlie the functioning of modern democratic gov both positively & negatively. Lipset's primary problem statement regards a major phase of the failure of the Marxian productions. His main findings concern: the attenuation of Wc militancy, Wc authoritarianism & the structural non-specificity of fascism, & adversely, the relevance of normative, cultural factors for liberalism & the politics of intellectuals. Such conclusions should necessitate a drastic revision of one of his points of reference, the Marxian view of the relation between a hierarchical soc stratification & an increasingly polarized pol'al-econ power system. Kornhauser builds his analysis around the problem of 'mass society'. His point of reference is communal society, where elites are 'non-accessible' & the masses not 'available'. In mass society, elites are accessible & masses available, whereas in totalitarian society a non-accessible elite stands over against an available mass. The most serious omission concerns the pluralist society where analysis would show that just as the non-elite is only relatively unavailable, & so the elite is only relatively accessible. This leads to a polarization at the leadership level. IPSA.

We test the possibility that political attitudes and behaviors are the result of both environmental and genetic factors. Employing standard methodological approaches in behavioral genetics—specifically, comparisons of the differential correlations of the attitudes of monozygotic twins and dizygotic twins—we analyze data drawn from a large sample of twins in the United States, supplemented with findings from twins in Australia. The results indicate that genetics plays an important role in shaping political attitudes and ideologies but a more modest role in forming party identification; as such, they call for finer distinctions in theorizing about the sources of political attitudes. We conclude by urging political scientists to incorporate genetic influences, specifically interactions between genetic heritability and social environment, into models of political attitude formation.