Suchergebnisse

A coding procedure for the extraction of decision-making procedures from documents is developed. Lacking an automatic procedure, a list of concepts was developed & hand coded. Problems consequently arose concerning reliability. Because research is limited in this specialized field, it seemed advisable to investigate problems of coder reliability before proceeding with the validation of decision theory. Inter- & intracoder reliability were studied. Results of this investigation proved very satisfactory & encourage further research toward development of more automatic procedures. 7 Tables. Modified HA.

This article details metaphor styles in Belgian-Flemish political discourse. Some scholars complain about uniformity & colorlessness of the modern political discourse. In this 'sound bite culture,' metaphor plays, nevertheless, a major role. Sound bites were, in fact, found to rely upon these traditional elements of style. The present, empirical, article examines variety in metaphor used by Flemish politicians. The first part consists of a quantitative metaphor analysis of written press interviews with male & female politicians. The second part presents the results of in-depth interviews with politicians on the subject of their own & colleagues' political (metaphor) style strategies. The conclusion confronts politicians' impressions with our findings on political (metaphor) style in Flanders. Adapted from the source document.

The smallest parliament in Belgium is the one of the German-speaking community with its 25 members. It is responsible for only 74,000 inhabitants & nine municipalities, but it is nonetheless a fully-fledged parliament & government. Due to its limited size & therefore little attention in media & political science, its functioning is quite unknown. This article describes the profile of its politicians & examines the legislative & controlling function of the Parliament, while considering its relationship with the Government. As in other parliaments, we expect a dominant government but due to some distinct characteristics, we expect this to be even truer for the German Community. Therefore, while explaining the results of our research, the emphasis will be put on these characteristics. Tables, References. Adapted from the source document.

It seems that the demonstrations on the Binnenhof in the Hague do not in general affect the views held by those for whose benefit the demonstrations are held: the members of the Second Chamber of the States General. This conclusion is drawn from a small-scale investigation of the effect of such demonstrations, which was undertaken by a number of pol'al sci students of the Free U of Amsterdam. The possible effects of 14 demonstrations held in the parliamentary yr 1968-1969 & in late 1969, were studied. In only one case was there evidence of influence on a number of Second Chamber members: the demonstrations held by young workers on Jun 26 & Nov 1, 1969. These demonstrations differed from most others in the mass participation, the careful preparation & org, the extensive coverage in the news media & in the wide support given to them, including that of trade unions. 4 Tables, 1 Diagram. HA.

Compromises have long been considered as the most important ingredient for the success of the Belgian and Dutch pacification democracy. The trick is to find one another in the middle was by politicians but also by political scientists (Lijphart, 1977) and analysts as an ideal put forward. Koen Koch described this a little whimpering but striking in a commentary on the policies of the second Cabinet Cook (1998-2002), in which Liberals and Social Democrats sat together: 'The color of political success in the Netherlands is not purple, but gray' (Koch, 1999). Adapted from the source document.

'It is undeniable that people in our current network and information society empowered and more independent than before. Are combined with the need to reduce the government deficit back, this leads to the classic welfare state slowly but surely turning into a participatory society. From anyone who may be asked to take responsibility for his or her own life and environment. 'Thus King Willem-Alexander in the most discussed part of his first speech from the throne. Prime Minister Rutte characterized the transition from welfare to society participation as a movement from the bottom up by citizens wanted and facilitated by the government. For this installment of the Symposium, we asked experts on the welfare state to reflect the transition indicated by the king. Romke van der Veen puts the development in the Netherlands in a number of major trends and then shows that we are at a crossroads where we can from different sides. Judith van der Veer discusses one of those sides: the transition from welfare to activation city. In the third contribution Flemish politician Mieke Vogels describes (Green, the Flemish green party) how they all late 90s tried to enter the participative society in Belgium and how the movement initiated by her reversed by subsequent ministers. Adapted from the source document.

This article deals with the consequences of an increased number of levels of political decision making on the way in which political careers are built. In the traditional bottom-up perspective, political careers started at the municipal level. The best were chosen to represent the party in regional assemblies, first, & eventually in the national parliament. In this perspective, a mandate of Member of European Parliament was the highest obtainable office. Evidence from the 1979-99 period shows that the importance of local political experience in recruiting MPs is decreasing. However, the Belgian figure remains high in comparative perspective: in 1999 no fewer than 70% of the members of the federal House of Representatives & of the regional Flemish Parliament had previously been local councillors. Moreover, still 60% combine a mandate as local councillor with their parliamentary mandate. Only a limited number of previously regional Flemish MPs became federal MPs in 1999, so that one could not speak of frequent level hopping, or of a hierarchy among these offices. 8 Tables, 2 Figures. Adapted from the source document.

There seems to be a growing consensus on the personalization of politics, meaning that not parties but individual politicians have increasingly become the central actors in politics. The media, especially TV, are given a prominent role in this tendency toward 'candidate-centered politics'. In this article we discuss the role of newspapers in this regard. Is there a more personalized & less party political way of reporting in the written press? On the basis of a longitudinal study (1958-1999) of two Flemish newspapers, we found only a modest & gradual tendency toward a personalization of politics. Political parties have not been removed to the backstage of political reporting & remain a dominant player in the written press. 6 Tables, 1 Figure. Adapted from the source document.

Hans Daudt proposed a decade ago no uncertain terms that the Netherlands cannot be considered a representative democracy. The system does not fails to adequately account for the needs of the citizens and hopes to turn it into policy. In the Netherlands immediately falls in such consideration also the word 'regents' to denote an elite alienated from the society it is supposed to represent and serve. The Dutch debate about whether democracy and its institutions are not ready for a makeover, is only an example of a widespread debate among politicians, political commentators and political scientists which searches for the causes of the imperfect functioning of democracy and to remedies before. Very often stands the question whether the representative institutions do belong to accomplish their task. Repeatedly show that the fact that survey research institutions - parties, parliament, government - those least trusted by the citizens. Adapted from the source document.

Spring 2010. To anyone who would listen, was by politicians of varying color and observers all sorts proclaimed that the upcoming Presidency was so important that Community negotiations, let alone elections or a government formation, leading up to and during the Presidency avoided had. The argument was that a cripple federal government would not be credible enough to lead a Presidency in the right direction. April 2010. The federal government is about the perils on the electoral district of Brussels-Halle-Vilvoorde. Adapted from the source document.

To ascertain how Flemish politicians first enter local politics, interviews were conducted with 797 politicians elected locally in 1994, yielding profiles of demographic & socioeconomic factors, & distinguishing between ascribed status positions derived from politically active family members & achieved status positions through membership in political & other organizations. The expectation that achieved status would take precedence was confirmed. Many politicians were members not only of their respective political parties, but also of workers' unions, health care mutualities, sports clubs, etc. Some 67+% had at least one politically active family member, & 33+% a politically mandated family member, indicating at least some family influence on a successful career in politics. 14 Tables. Adapted from the source document.