The article presents & analyses continuity & changes in France's politics in Africa during the past 15 years. Practical political decisions are discussed in relation to central French strategies towards Africa & to speeches by elite politicians. French Africa policy during Sarkozy's first two years as president is examined in greater detail. The article concludes that important changes in French policy towards Africa are taking place, but that Francafrique will continue as long as the key figures in this policy are still alive. Adapted from the source document.
If the struggle for power becomes a matter of decision for a pol'al party or pol'al figure in a democracy, the ensuing action may not be in accord with previous behavior. The British pol'al scene shows an actual example of this kind of applied psychol. The Suez affair & its subsequent crisis created a serious psychol'al crisis in GB, a crisis so severe that Harold Macmillan had to deal with it by original methods. Forced to take measures, such as the one giving British shipowners the right to again use the canal, which really indicate the decline in British power, he nevertheless succeeded in restoring public confidence. He took his cabinet ministers in hand by allowing them a large measure of individual initiative, unlike Eden who supervised the most minute details of admin'tion. His authority over the Conservative party was very rapidly reaffirmed, to the point where he was able to force Lord Salisbury to leave the Cabinet. In the end he managed to get the Conservatives in Parliament behind him, by channeling their dislike toward the Labor Party, & by also directing their animosity toward the US & the UN. His apparent calm & indifference allowed him to take a neutral position toward these scapegoats, leaving vindictiveness to his partisans by this device. All of his efforts, however, did not succeed in restoring his prestige with the public who are less sensitive to the psychol'al techniques of the leader than the politicians, & who measure a politician in terms of his accomplishments, which have not been, so far very favorable. Tr by J. A. Broussard from IPSA.
Explains that the late-2000 recession was mainly due to the fact that politicians, businessmen and economists had forgotten the lessons of the great depression resulting in a moral hazard of overleveraging as big corporations knew that the government would bail them out. The seeds for this economic crisis were already sawn by the stock market bubble in the 1990's that eventually spread into more important sectors due to bad government policies based on neoliberalism. It is important that policy makers see the economic crisis as a possibility and aim at full employment while redesigning the credit system in order to avoid future crises. L. Pitkaniemi
Between the Second World War and the fall of the Berlin Wall Germany showed great aversion towards using military force for other purposes than territorial defense and held a multilateral balance between France and the United States with their respective ambitions EU and NATO. After the Wall fell, the German security policy started to change and German politicians increasingly argued for military use as a legitimate instrument in international politics. Among the driving forces for this process has been the change in European strategic culture as Europe is looking towards an integrated foreign and security policy, which may even go against German interest. L. Pitkaniemi
Awarding the Nobel Peace Prize to the Chinese democracy activist Liu Xiaobo was received well internationally, but also raised a fair amount of criticism. Even if giving the peace prize to a democracy activist is more in line with Alfred Nobel's original intent than giving it to an environmentalist, Mr. Xiaobo is also undermining the Chinese stability and therefore threatening the country's internal peace. Some critics have also argued that the Nobel committee went again after a popular media personality, whose selection is not going to change the direction of a large populous country. Another problem is that the Nobel peace prize committee consists of Norwegian politicians and therefore the award is often seen as an extension of Norwegian foreign policy. L. Pitkaniemi
The article examines three processes, running parallel in time, that have contributed to the Islamization of the Chechen separatist movement. The first war in Chechnya between 1994 & 1996 resulted in the radicalization of several Chechen warlords & politicians. These individuals came to play an influential role during the interwar period & have increasingly defined the rhetoric & language of the separatists in the second war. This local impetus toward radicalism was reinforced by the attempts on the part of international Islamists to co-opt the Chechen conflict as part of their global struggle. At the same time the Russian policies on Chechnya have become increasingly hard & uncompromising, not least after the advent of the global war on terror. The article argues that these processes have contributed to marginalize the moderate players in the Chechen separatist movement & have rendered the conflict so polarized that there is little hope for peaceful resolution. 42 References. Adapted from the source document.
This article gives an analysis of the war of opinion about the Vietnam War, with focus partly on the United States, mainly Norway &, to a lesser degree, Sweden. The main theme is change & stability & what constituted opinions & positions. In the early phase, Norwegian media & the great majority of politicians were mere mouthpieces of the official American version of the war. This stands out in contrast to neutral Sweden where criticism towards the US was sharp. The long duration of the conflict & its brutality became factors in moulding opinion. There was time for alternative information gathering for reflection. The thesis that the US lost this first media war on the home front -- in the media -- is discarded. The Norwegian Conservative Party remained firmly supportive of the US war effort throughout the war. The most important struggle of opinion took place within the Labour Party. For both parties, loyalty to Norway's military protector was at stake. For a majority of Norwegians the war in Vietnam may have been a turning point in the perception of the United States. References. Adapted from the source document.
Between Nov 2003 & Jun 2004, Georgia experienced several dramatic political events. President Eduard Shevardnadze was ousted in a peaceful revolt that was subsequently dubbed the 'Rose Revolution.' He was replaced by a trio of young politicians with the charismatic 35-year-old Mikheil Saakashvili at the helm. The article argues that the actual change was less deep than it was presented in the international media, & that it primarily constituted a youth rebellion within the ethnically Georgian elite in the country's capital, Tbilisi. The new generation of leaders faces a range of pressing problems, in particular corruption & the disintegration of the Georgian state. Several high-profile arrests have been carried out & the renegade republic Adjara was brought back into the fold when Tbilisi won a standoff with its corrupt leader, Asian Abashidze. Problems such as the separatist movement in Abkhazia will, however, be far more difficult to solve. There is a danger that Saakashvili's regime will proceed too fast, be sidetracked by vendettas against old enemies or fail to consolidate democracy. At the moment, however, this is one of the most promising governments in the former Soviet Union. 28 References. Adapted from the source document.
In a world marked by surging international conflicts, labour market globalisation, ever-widening economic inequities, steady improvement in the flow of information, and increasing possibilities for mobility over greater distances, the number of migrants on a worldwide basis is hardly likely to decrease in coming years. Immigration regulations are devised within a confluence of national interests, international laws, and attention to migrants' individual rights. The tension between these disparate considerations begs the question: How can we best safeguard both universal rights issues and European economic integration, as well as the Norwegian state's obligation, vis-à-vis the distribution of benefits, to its own citizens. We are moving into extremely complex ethical and legal territory, where there are no easy answers. In this book, the author puts Norway's immigration policy under a moral-philosophical loupe for a thorough analysis of various answers to key questions in the Norwegian immigration debate.
This book is aimed at anyone interested in immigration policy issues, but especially persons working professionally in the field, such as political philosophers, politicians, lawyers, case managers and political scientists. - I en verden der internasjonale konflikter stadig blusser opp, arbeidsmarkedet globaliseres, økonomiske ulikheter blir stadig større, informasjonsflyten kontinuerlig forbedres og mulighetene for å forflytte seg over store avstander er gode, vil antallet migranter på verdensbasis ikke bli lavere i årene som kommer. Innvandringsregulering finner sted i spenningen mellom statlige interesser, internasjonal rett og hensynet til migranters individuelle rettigheter. I lys av disse spenningene må vi stille spørsmålet om hvordan vi best mulig kan ivareta både universelle rettighetshensyn og europeisk økonomisk integrasjon, samt den norske stats forpliktelse overfor egne innbyggere i fordeling av goder. Vi beveger oss inn i et etisk og juridisk felt med stor kompleksitet, hvor ingen enkle svar er gitt. I denne boken legger forfatteren norsk innvandringspolitikk under en moralfilosofisk lupe, og drøfter grundig ulike svar på en rekke sentrale spørsmål i norsk innvandringsdebatt.
Boken retter seg mot alle med interesse for innvandringspolitiske spørsmål, men særskilt personer som arbeider profesjonelt innenfor feltet, slik som politiske filosofer, politikere, jurister, saksbehandlere og statsvitere.
Etter at Tyrkia i 1999 fikk status som sokerland til EU og forhandlinger om medlemskap startet i 2005, har tyrkerne lovet a imotekomme EU-krav om demokratisering av landet og en losning av det 'kurdiske problemei'. En demokratiseringsprosess forutsetter imidlertid kritiske og frie medier. Men bade Tyrkias vestlige allierte og folk flest i landet er bekymret for dagens situasjon, der journalister, forfattere og folkevalgte politikere fengsles for sine ytringer som av myndighetene er oppfattet som formidling av propaganda som kommer den kurdiske frigjoringsbevegelse (PKK) til gode. Basert pa intervjuer med personer med ekspertkunnskap fra Tyrkia og et utvalg av avisartikler og kommentarer fra tyrkiske papiraviser, utforskes det hvordan tyrkiske medier styres i forhold til det kurdiske opproret i Tyrkia, samt hvorvidt det regierende Rettferdighets-og utviklingsparti (AKP) kan bidra til a demokratisere landet. Analysen viser at under Erdogan og hans AKP har medienes handlingsrom med hensyn til kurderkonflikten, og for orvrig ogsa generelt, ikke blitt saerlig bedre enn under hans forgjengere When Turkey was granted candidate status to EU membership in 1999 and negotiations started in 2005, hopes were high that the country would meet EU requirements for democratization and that a solution would be found to the so-called 'Kurdish problem'. However, a democratization process implies a critical and free media. Turkey's citizens and Western allies are now following recent developments with concern. Journalists, writers and elected politicians have been imprisoned for their work, some held on terror-related charges or propaganda and others for allegedly participating in antigovernment plots. With this as a backdrop, to what extent is Erdogan and his ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) democratizing the country? My aim in this article is to answer the question and explore the extent to which media censorship and control is occurring, in particular regarding Kurdish insurgency in Turkey. I make use of primary and secondary data, including interviews with media experts in Turkey and a selection of newspaper articles from six Turkish newspapers. The Turkish government already exercises a tight hand over Turkey's traditional media, yet, as the analysis reveals, under Erdogan the government controls of freedom of expression and press (in particular concerning the Kurdish conflict) are tightening further. Adapted from the source document.
Within the last two decades streaming services and digital platforms have come to dominate the distribution of recorded music. What has this transformation meant for the music industry in Norway? From Spinning to Streaming: Norwegian Music Reaching the World presents research on how artists, musicians, composers and other intermediaries within Norway's music industry are meeting this digital reality.Digitalization has led to new possibilities for producing and distributing music, as well as for exporting music and succeeding on an international level. Yet the route out into the world via the internet can be both steep and unpredictable. By investigating ways of working, types of expertise required, as well as economic and copyright circumstances, the authors demonstrate how digital media are both important tools for creating musical works and a key engine of development in the music industry itself.The authors rely on various theoretical concepts and analytical perspectives to explore the interplay between technological, professional, social and cultural conditions in the music industry's development. A central finding in the book is the need among several actors in the Norwegian music industry for increased specialized competence and understanding regarding rights issues. In addition, the "platformization" of the industry calls for a greater degree of professionalization and specialized expertise than the Norwegian music industry is equipped with today.From Spinning to Streaming: Norwegian Music Reaching the World will be of interest to researchers, students, politicians, decision-makers and other actors within the music industry.The book's authors are Anja Nylund Hagen, University of Oslo; Mari Torvik Heian, Telemark Research Institute; Roy Aulie Jacobsen, Telemark Research Institute; and Bård Kleppe, Telemark Research Institute.; De siste ti årene har strømmetjenester og digitale plattformer nærmest overtatt distribusjonen av innspilt musikk. Hva har det gjort med norsk musikkbransje? I boka Fra plate til plattform: Norsk musikk ut i verden presenteres forskning på hvordan artister, musikere, komponister og ulike mellomledd i norsk musikkbransje håndterer den digitale hverdagen.Digitaliseringen har gitt nye muligheter til å produsere og distribuere musikk, drive med musikkeksport og til å lykkes internasjonalt. Samtidig kan veien ut i verden via internett være både uforutsigbar og bratt. Ved å undersøke arbeidsmåter, kompetansebehov og forhold knyttet til økonomi og opphavsrett, viser forfatterne hvordan digitale medier både er viktige verktøy i arbeidet og sentrale drivkrefter for bransjeutviklingen.Forfatterne bruker ulike teoretiske begreper og analytiske perspektiver for å undersøke samspillet mellom teknologiske, profesjonelle, sosiale og kulturelle forhold i musikkbransjens utvikling. Et sentralt funn i boka er at musikkbransjen har behov for økt bransjekunnskap og rettighetsforståelse. Plattformsentreringen inviterer også til større grad av profesjonalisering og spesialisert kompetanse enn det den norske musikkbransjen er rigget for i dag.Boka er relevant for forskere, studenter, politikere, beslutningstakere og aktører i musikkbransjen.Fra plate til plattform: Norsk musikk ut i verden er skrevet av Anja Nylund Hagen, Universitetet i Oslo, Mari Torvik Heian, Telemarksforsking, Roy Aulie Jacobsen, Telemarskforsking og Bård Kleppe, Telemarksforsking.
