Suchergebnisse

Este artículo presenta los resultados de una investigación en torno a la caracterización de las relaciones entre políticos regionales, parti-dos y organizaciones criminales en Colombia. El análisis recurre al concepto de gobernanza criminal y a un enfoque que la asocia con facto-res de índole político. Se adopta una estrategia metodológica basada en la qca (Qualitative Comparative Analysis) y se presentan las res-pectivas evidencias empíricas. Este es un trabajo innovador en Colombia, ya que permite dife-renciar tipos de gestión pública de acuerdo con la incidencia de las organizaciones ilegales en ellas, para el caso de estudio, de los grupos pa-ramilitares que interactuaron con partidos, y facciones partidistas, y las estructuras locales de poder. Entre sus hallazgos están las caracteriza-ciones de este tipo de gestión, la explicación de los factores que la hicieron posible y los efectos que produjeron en la democracia local.

Modern political science considers elections as mechanisms of accountability. The argument of this paper is that the republican tradition -a tradition that ranges from Cicero to the American revolutionaries, including, among others, Machiavelli & Harrington, considered instead elections as mechanisms for the selection of "good types," what these authors called the "natural aristocracy." Both in their interpretation of elections & in the mechanisms they advanced in order to explain how the people could select virtuous politicians, republicans anticipated some ideas recently presented by authors that consider elections as mechanisms for selection instead of as mechanisms for accountability. References. Adapted from the source document.

Se presentan los resultados de un estudio sobre el perfil sociopolitico de los representantes mas destacados de la nueva democracia chilena

Attempts to distinguish the job functions & functions of the politician & the political scientist. It is asserted that both practices can be interrelated, as long as the politician has the ability to reflect on the political process & the political scientist is able to understand the reality of political practice because their work corresponds to different methods of logic. Adapted from the source document.

Results of a survey of foreign policy beliefs of more than 240 Chilean politicians and other public figures, 1988-90.

This paper focuses on the combination of four ideas frequently expressed by numerous citizens. First, that citizens political behavior is mainly self-interested. Second, that the delegation of the political decision-making in hands of professional politicians is desirable. Third, that the proper way to choose political leaders is the celebration of regular & competitive election. And fourth, that the normative criterion to evaluate the legitimacy of the political process should be the satisfaction of citizens preferences. These criteria are analyzed from both their definition & justification. Finally, the difficulties to meet the fourth criterion in conditions of economic, informative & participative inequalities are exposed. Adapted from the source document.

Unlike in other countries, the Spaniards in exile in Mexico have featured prominently. This is due, among other factors, to the fact that a large number of them were "intellectuals." One outstanding facet of the Spanish exiles has been their ability to become integrated into Mexican society & influence the country's cultural life. Many actions, such as the founding of Spanish schools, can be explained by the idea -- dominant at the beginning of the exile -- that it was a question of a provisional situation. In light of a historical review of the documents of Luis I. Rodriguez, a Mexican diplomat & politician essential to the Spanish exile, an analysis is made of the paradoxes of the adaptation process of Spaniards exiled in Mexico. Adapted from the source document.

When representatives fail to keep their political promises they attempt to explain the reasons why to the citizens. These justifications highlight changes in exogenous conditions, those outside the control of politicians. Citizens have a certain capacity to perceive the extent to which different policies are affected by these exogenous conditions. Voters perceive that governments are less responsible for the slow progress of economy than for poor management of education or the road network. This process helps to improve the government's popularity & thus there is an increase in the probability of the party in power being voted back in. Some policies, such as the one on abortion, are only slightly conditioned by exogenous factors. Consequently, politicians are less able to justify failures to keep their political promises & thus find themselves more subjected to popular claims. Tables, References. Adapted from the source document.

I show, on one hand, that attitudes of political disaffection in Mexico are close to the regional mean and, on the other, I corroborate the theoretical postulate according to which individuals distinguish two dimensions of disaffection: political disengagement and institutional disaffection. I also demonstrate that the rational-culturalist model effectively explains the variations of both dimensions-as it allows for the interaction of socio-economic factors, rational evaluation and political identities-. Lastly, I find that political disengagement and institutional disaffection associate in a different way with political participation, access to information in the media, and perceptions on public security and corruption. These results confirm the premise that the dimensions of political disaffection represent a challenge to the quality of democracy in Mexico, as they reinforce social inequality, inhibit informed political participation and limit citizen control of institutions and politicians. Adapted from the source document.