Indignation in the political discourse has a long rhetoric tradition because of its moral aspect. This article focuses on the discursive construction of this emotion by French politicians in their communiqué posted on officials websites and on their twitter. It will be asked (1) how expression of indignation affects discursive structure, (2) how it can be inferred referring to our stereotypes, (3) how the emotional involvement contributes to positive ethos of politicians. Our analysis is based on the study of emotion in discourse proposed by Ch. Plantin (2011), the notion of subjectivity in language (C. Kerbrat-Orecchioni 1980) and the concept of ethos D. Maingueneau (1999). ; Indignation in the political discourse has a long rhetoric tradition because of its moral aspect. This article focuses on the discursive construction of this emotion by French politicians in their communiqué posted on officials websites and on their twitter. It will be asked (1) how expression of indignation affects discursive structure, (2) how it can be inferred referring to our stereotypes, (3) how the emotional involvement contributes to positive ethos of politicians. Our analysis is based on the study of emotion in discourse proposed by Ch. Plantin (2011), the notion of subjectivity in language (C. Kerbrat-Orecchioni 1980) and the concept of ethos D. Maingueneau (1999).
L'analyse phénoménologique du silence de l'écrivain gabonais conduit à ce questionnement. Celui qui vit dans la crainte des représailles des politiques aurait-il transmis à ces derniers la même phobie?
Cet article présent les rapports entre discours et image autour de l'homme politique. On y trouvera la discussion sur le discrédit de la parole et le triomphe de l'image politiques, des positions qui mettent en évidence pas seulement l'image de soi du politique constitutif à son discours, mais aussi l'instauration des tyrannies de l'image de soi. Par là, le visage aura lieu en se fixant comme exhibition de l'intimité, un examen de la physiognomonie dans un spectacle politique. Bref, image et langage produiront une politique de la vérité.MOTS-CLÉS: Parole politique. Image de soi. Discours.RESUMO Este artigo apresenta as relações entre discurso e imagem em torno do homem político. Aqui encontraremos a discussão sobre o descrédito da fala e o triunfo da imagem de políticos, das posições que colocam em evidência não somente a imagem de si do político constitutivo a seu discurso, mas também a instauração das tiranias da imagem de si. Com isso, o rosto tomará lugar ao se fixar como exibição da intimidade, um exame da fisiognomonia em um espetáculo político. Em resumo, imagem e linguagem produzirão uma política da verdade. PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Fala política. Imagem de si. Discurso
Before World War 1, French painter Léon Bonnat became famous by portraying celebrities, among which almost every leading politician in the newly founded Republic. His academic and dark style however was criticized by art critics and humourists; hence his portraits put on stage in character comedies have to be read as critics of the very people they represent and of himself as an official artist.
Before World War 1, French painter Léon Bonnat became famous by portraying celebrities, among which almost every leading politician in the newly founded Republic. His academic and dark style however was criticized by art critics and humourists; hence his portraits put on stage in character comedies have to be read as critics of the very people they represent and of himself as an official artist.
This thesis describes the morphological behavior of anthroponyms—i.e., proper names referring to human beings—as bases of morphological construction. We analyze specific deanthroponyms which are words morphologically based on the proper names of contemporary French political figures (e.g., François Fillon > fillonophobe `fillonophobic'). We rely on a corpus of about 6,500 complex words (50,000 different contexts) from the Web. We perform the morphological analysis of each deanthroponym, which is then recorded in the database MoNoPoli (Mots construits sur noms propres de Personnalité Politique `words based on politician proper names'). Compared to the standard institutionalized lexicon, MoNoPoli's deanthroponyms are original. They usually reflect the opinions of their inventors about political figures. For this purpose, these speakers create forms that can be described as nonce-formations. Examining the morphological constructions listed in MoNoPoLi reflects this originality and reveals a wealth of processes, from the most regular (e.g., Emmanuel Macron > macronisme `macronism') to more atypical (e.g., Marine Le Pen > marinite `marinitis'). Our analysis shows that the anthroponym does not correspond to the definitions of the units manipulated in morphology, morpheme or lexeme. Anthroponyms bring together a set of lexical units called sub-names (at least the first name, the last name and the full name) which share a syntactic category and a bipartite semantic component comprising a denominative instructional meaning and a stereotypic meaning. Since the units manipulated in morphology are insufficient to account for the anthroponym and its dimensions, no model of morphology has the properties required to describe the deanthroponymic lexicon. This entails that the conditions of formation of the units of the general lexicon are not (entirely) applicable to the deanthroponymic lexicon: the form of a derivative of a political figure's proper name is conditioned not only by formal or lexical constraints, but ...
De plus en plus de médias, partout dans le monde, disposent de rubriques ou chroniques de fact-checking. Elles visent notamment à vérifier la véracité de propos tenus par des responsables politiques dans l'espace public. En France, où il a longtemps été assez inhabituel de mettre en cause aussi directement la parole des politiques, ces rubriques créent de nouveaux modes relationnels, potentiellement conflictuels entre les journalistes eux-mêmes au sein des rédactions et entre journalistes et politiques, tandis que ces derniers s'attachent à contourner les risques de la vérification de leurs propos pour continuer à véhiculer leur discours à l'attention du grand public. ; Throughout the world, more and more media outlets are making use of sections or columns that provide fact checking. Their purpose is to verify the truth of statements, especially those made by politicians in the public sphere. In France, where it has long been unusual to question the speech of politicians so directly, these fact-checking efforts are creating new and potentially contentious modes of relating; they are doing so not only among journalists who work in the same newsrooms, but also between journalists and politicians. Such politicians seek to limit the risks introduced when their statements are checked, so that they can continue to convey their messages to the public.
The aim of this thesis is to describe the prosodic characteristics of the peculiar phonostyle used by the ex-President of Venezuela, Hugo Chávez, in the "spontaneous public speech" phonogenre, as well as in three other speaking styles. The phonostyles of other Spanish-speaking politicians from Hispanic America and Spain are also assessed in the same public speech phonogenre.In a preliminary perceptual study using both filtered and natural voices, participants were asked to describe 12 politicians first using a free choice paradigm and then forced choice. Based on the results of this perceptual study, the politicians were then classified into four different groups from the most "powerful orator", "revolutionary", "strong" and "authoritarian" to the most "traditional", "quiet" and "formal". Chávez is classed in the extreme group of "power orators" and the Spanish ex-Prime Minister, José Zapatero, is placed in the opposing traditional group.Acoustic analysis shows that Chávez has a very peculiar phonostyle, characterized by the regular repetition of a certain type of contour at the end of Intonation Phrases (IP). This contour rises on the stressed syllable and falls by one octave on the last unstressed syllable of the word, which is also lengthened in a significant way. On the opposite end of the perceptual scale, Zapatero's phonostyle is characterized by the use of a rising contour on the stressed syllable, which continues to rise into the following unstressed syllable at the end of the IP. He also cuts utterances into small chunks. Various experiments using voice synthesis (TTS Synthesis) confirm the findings of the acoustic and perceptual analysis.The productions of the other politicians were analyzed and classified in the same ranking as in the perception study, from the most "powerful orator" to more "traditional" between the two extremes, Chávez and Zapatero. This production ranking generally corresponds to the one previously carried out in perception. ; Cette thèse a pour objectif de décrire les ...
The aim of this thesis is to describe the prosodic characteristics of the peculiar phonostyle used by the ex-President of Venezuela, Hugo Chávez, in the "spontaneous public speech" phonogenre, as well as in three other speaking styles. The phonostyles of other Spanish-speaking politicians from Hispanic America and Spain are also assessed in the same public speech phonogenre.In a preliminary perceptual study using both filtered and natural voices, participants were asked to describe 12 politicians first using a free choice paradigm and then forced choice. Based on the results of this perceptual study, the politicians were then classified into four different groups from the most "powerful orator", "revolutionary", "strong" and "authoritarian" to the most "traditional", "quiet" and "formal". Chávez is classed in the extreme group of "power orators" and the Spanish ex-Prime Minister, José Zapatero, is placed in the opposing traditional group.Acoustic analysis shows that Chávez has a very peculiar phonostyle, characterized by the regular repetition of a certain type of contour at the end of Intonation Phrases (IP). This contour rises on the stressed syllable and falls by one octave on the last unstressed syllable of the word, which is also lengthened in a significant way. On the opposite end of the perceptual scale, Zapatero's phonostyle is characterized by the use of a rising contour on the stressed syllable, which continues to rise into the following unstressed syllable at the end of the IP. He also cuts utterances into small chunks. Various experiments using voice synthesis (TTS Synthesis) confirm the findings of the acoustic and perceptual analysis.The productions of the other politicians were analyzed and classified in the same ranking as in the perception study, from the most "powerful orator" to more "traditional" between the two extremes, Chávez and Zapatero. This production ranking generally corresponds to the one previously carried out in perception. ; Cette thèse a pour objectif de décrire les caractéristiques prosodiques du phonostyle particulier de l'ex-Président du Vénézuéla Hugo Chávez dans le phonogenre «discours public 'spontané'» ainsi que dans trois autres phonogenres. J'analyse également le phonostyle d'autres personnalités politiques de l'Amérique hispanophone et de l'Espagne dans le même phonogenre «discours public».Dans une étude préliminaire de reconnaissance perceptive utilisant de la parole filtrée et naturelle, 12 personnalités politiques ont été décrites (d'abord en choix libre puis en choix forcé) et ensuite classées dans quatre groupes différents allant du plus 'tribun' 'révolutionnaire', 'fort' et 'autoritaire' jusqu'au plus 'traditionnel' 'calme' et 'formel'. Chávez est classé à l'extrême des 'tribuns' et l'ex-Premier ministre espagnol José Zapatero à l'extrême des 'traditionnels'.L'analyse acoustique montre que Chávez a un phonostyle très particulier, caractérisé par la répétition régulière d'un type de contour en fin de groupe intonatif (GI). Ce contour est montant sur la syllabe accentuée et descendant d'une octave sur la dernière syllabe inaccentuée du mot, qui est d'ailleurs allongée de façon significative. À l'extrémité opposée, du classement perceptif, Zapatero, a un phonostyle caractérisé par l'utilisation d'un contour montant sur la syllabe accentuée continuant la montée sur la syllabe inaccentuée suivante, en fin de GI, et par le découpage des énoncés en petits blocs. Les différentes expériences, utilisant la parole synthétique (TTS Synthesis), confirment les résultats de l'analyse acoustique et auditive.Toutes les autres personnalités politiques ont été analysées et classées dans un 'dégradé' allant du plus 'tribun' au plus 'traditionnel', de la même façon qu'en perception, entre les deux extrêmes, Chávez et Zapatero. Ce classement en production correspond globalement à celui effectué préalablement en perception.
International audience ; The article analyzes the significance of the concepts of "Europe" and "European integration" in the Romanian public discourses, namely the way in which the significance of these terms were reconfigured over time, according to the development of socio-historical contexts and themes. The analysis is based on the premise that Romania's integration into the European Union occurred according to different temporal rhythms (just like the European Community was built "at different speeds"). The chosen historical period, from the end of World War II up to Romania's accession to the EU, highlights the structure of discourses about Europe's unity in diversity and the relation between European integration and phenomena like globalization and modernization. ; L'article analyse la signification des concepts d'"Europe" et d'"intégration européenne" dans les discours publics roumains, à savoir la manière dont la signification de ces termes a été reconfigurée au fil du temps, en fonction de l'évolution des contextes et des thèmes socio-historiques. L'analyse se fonde sur le postulat que l'intégration de la Roumanie dans l'Union européenne s'est faite selon des rythmes temporels différents (tout comme la Communauté européenne s'est construite "à des vitesses différentes"). La période historique choisie, de la fin de la Seconde Guerre mondiale jusqu'à l'adhésion de la Roumanie à l'UE, met en évidence la structure des discours sur l'unité de l'Europe dans la diversité et la relation entre l'intégration européenne et des phénomènes comme la mondialisation et la modernisation.
International audience ; The article analyzes the significance of the concepts of "Europe" and "European integration" in the Romanian public discourses, namely the way in which the significance of these terms were reconfigured over time, according to the development of socio-historical contexts and themes. The analysis is based on the premise that Romania's integration into the European Union occurred according to different temporal rhythms (just like the European Community was built "at different speeds"). The chosen historical period, from the end of World War II up to Romania's accession to the EU, highlights the structure of discourses about Europe's unity in diversity and the relation between European integration and phenomena like globalization and modernization. ; L'article analyse la signification des concepts d'"Europe" et d'"intégration européenne" dans les discours publics roumains, à savoir la manière dont la signification de ces termes a été reconfigurée au fil du temps, en fonction de l'évolution des contextes et des thèmes socio-historiques. L'analyse se fonde sur le postulat que l'intégration de la Roumanie dans l'Union européenne s'est faite selon des rythmes temporels différents (tout comme la Communauté européenne s'est construite "à des vitesses différentes"). La période historique choisie, de la fin de la Seconde Guerre mondiale jusqu'à l'adhésion de la Roumanie à l'UE, met en évidence la structure des discours sur l'unité de l'Europe dans la diversité et la relation entre l'intégration européenne et des phénomènes comme la mondialisation et la modernisation.
International audience The article analyzes the significance of the concepts of "Europe" and "European integration" in the Romanian public discourses, namely the way in which the significance of these terms were reconfigured over time, according to the development of socio-historical contexts and themes. The analysis is based on the premise that Romania's integration into the European Union occurred according to different temporal rhythms (just like the European Community was built "at different speeds"). The chosen historical period, from the end of World War II up to Romania's accession to the EU, highlights the structure of discourses about Europe's unity in diversity and the relation between European integration and phenomena like globalization and modernization. ; L'article analyse la signification des concepts d'"Europe" et d'"intégration européenne" dans les discours publics roumains, à savoir la manière dont la signification de ces termes a été reconfigurée au fil du temps, en fonction de l'évolution des contextes et des thèmes socio-historiques. L'analyse se fonde sur le postulat que l'intégration de la Roumanie dans l'Union européenne s'est faite selon des rythmes temporels différents (tout comme la Communauté européenne s'est construite "à des vitesses différentes"). La période historique choisie, de la fin de la Seconde Guerre mondiale jusqu'à l'adhésion de la Roumanie à l'UE, met en évidence la structure des discours sur l'unité de l'Europe dans la diversité et la relation entre l'intégration européenne et des phénomènes comme la mondialisation et la modernisation.
International audience ; The article analyzes the significance of the concepts of "Europe" and "European integration" in the Romanian public discourses, namely the way in which the significance of these terms were reconfigured over time, according to the development of socio-historical contexts and themes. The analysis is based on the premise that Romania's integration into the European Union occurred according to different temporal rhythms (just like the European Community was built "at different speeds"). The chosen historical period, from the end of World War II up to Romania's accession to the EU, highlights the structure of discourses about Europe's unity in diversity and the relation between European integration and phenomena like globalization and modernization. ; L'article analyse la signification des concepts d'"Europe" et d'"intégration européenne" dans les discours publics roumains, à savoir la manière dont la signification de ces termes a été reconfigurée au fil du temps, en fonction de l'évolution des contextes et des thèmes socio-historiques. L'analyse se fonde sur le postulat que l'intégration de la Roumanie dans l'Union européenne s'est faite selon des rythmes temporels différents (tout comme la Communauté européenne s'est construite "à des vitesses différentes"). La période historique choisie, de la fin de la Seconde Guerre mondiale jusqu'à l'adhésion de la Roumanie à l'UE, met en évidence la structure des discours sur l'unité de l'Europe dans la diversité et la relation entre l'intégration européenne et des phénomènes comme la mondialisation et la modernisation.
With the development of political communication over the Internet, a growing number of the French politicians are posting online their New Year's Messages, which have been so far a genre of political discourse reserved for the President. These speeches have a similar pattern, which apart from wishes include an evaluation of the passing year and plans for the future. This is so, because the New Year's Messages have primarily a persuasive function, and serve the purpose of strengthening the addressees' group identity by reminding them of common values. However, while the President's speech is strongly ritualized and emotionally balanced – as it is addressed to the whole nation – the online speeches are not subject to certain conventions, which allows the politicians to adjust the tone of their speech to the expectations of their supporters. Therefore a whole range of feelings is applied – from the fear of France falling, to national pride – depending on the political aims which are to be achieved. This article makes an attempt at answering the question in which way these emotions are constructed within the speeches, and which persuasive function they embody. The author adopts the perspective of argument analysis in discourse (Amossy, 2000; Plantin, 2011), which perceives emotions as a rhetoric means (pathos) whose aim is to influence the addressee. ; With the development of political communication over the Internet, a growing number of the French politicians are posting online their New Year's Messages, which have been so far a genre of political discourse reserved for the President. These speeches have a similar pattern, which apart from wishes include an evaluation of the passing year and plans for the future. This is so, because the New Year's Messages have primarily a persuasive function, and serve the purpose of strengthening the addressees' group identity by reminding them of common values. However, while the President's speech is strongly ritualized and emotionally balanced – as it is addressed to the whole nation – the online speeches are not subject to certain conventions, which allows the politicians to adjust the tone of their speech to the expectations of their supporters. Therefore a whole range of feelings is applied – from the fear of France falling, to national pride – depending on the political aims which are to be achieved. This article makes an attempt at answering the question in which way these emotions are constructed within the speeches, and which persuasive function they embody. The author adopts the perspective of argument analysis in discourse (Amossy, 2000; Plantin, 2011), which perceives emotions as a rhetoric means (pathos) whose aim is to influence the addressee.
Despite a very impressive curriculum vitae (a parliamentarian for more than forty-four years, eleven times a minister and five times the president of the Council), one cannot but recognize that Alexandre Ribot (1842-1923) has received little attention from historians and has almost disappeared from collective memory. This raises questions, especially given the fact that the sources related to him, including a very rich set of private records, are quite abundant. Though our inquiry only covers a certain phase of Alexandre Ribot's long career (1858-1895), it however aims at going beyond the strict biographical framework to tackle the political structures of the early Third Republic so as to identify their dynamics, embedded within different timeframes.By focusing on Alexandre Ribot's building up as a politician and on his rise to power, this research aims at analysing his career-path while integrating it within the context of the establishment of the French Republican model. It thus makes a contribution to different ongoing historiographical initiatives regarding the "world of the Third Republic" (G. and S. Berstein), such as the working of "absolute parliamentarianism" (Carré de Malberg), the professionalization of political staff or the influence of liberalism and of the Liberals in the setting up of the regime. ; En dépit d'un très impressionnant curriculum vitae (parlementaire pendant plus de quarante-quatre ans, onze fois ministre et cinq fois président du Conseil), force est de reconnaître qu'Alexandre Ribot (1842-1923) a peu retenu l'attention des historiens et quasiment disparu de la mémoire collective. Ce constat interroge d'autant plus que les sources le concernant sont particulièrement abondantes, avec notamment un très riche ensemble d'archives privées. Si notre investigation n'embrasse qu'une tranche de la longue carrière d'Alexandre Ribot (1858-1895), elle ambitionne en revanche de dépasser le strict cadre biographique pour aborder les structures politiques des débuts de la Troisième République et ...
