Suchergebnisse

Tržište energetskih mineralnih sirovina predstavlja kompleksne odnose ponude i potražnje dobara koje ovise o velikome broju čimbenika i rizika koje nose sa sobom. Rizici koji se pojavljuju mogu se podijeliti na tehnološke, ekonomske, političke, geopolitičke i druge. Tehnološki rizici mogu se javiti u svim segmentima poslovanja od istraživanja do transporta. Energetski ekonomski rizici uključuju moguće gubitke zbog, primjerice, pada cijena sirove nafte, porasta troškova za eksploataciju nafte, požara u rafineriji i sl. Osim energetskih ekonomskih rizika u obzir je potrebno uzeti i financijske rizike. Financijski rizici odnose se na moguće gubitke zbog promjena vrijednosti financijske imovine koju su izdale energetske kompanije, a mogu se podijeliti na: tržišni rizik, kreditni rizik, rizik likvidnosti, operativni rizik i pravni rizik. Zbog velike promjenjivosti cijena energije energetske kompanije rizike eliminiraju ili smanjuju na najmanju moguću mjeru energetskim financijskim derivatima, i to terminskim ugovorima te opcijama. Specifičnosti energetskih tržišta leže u nerazmjernoj geografskoj distribuciji rezervi energenata i eksploatacije s jedne te potrošnje energenata s druge strane. Tržišta nafte u svijetu, iako su zbog trgovine određenim markerima geografski lokalizirana, čine jedinstveno globalno tržište nafte sa sve manjim cjenovnim razlikama ponajprije zbog transportnih mogućnosti dobave nafte. Razvojem tehnologije ukapljivanja plina (UPP) sve je veći pritisak i na plinska tržišta i njihovu integraciju u globalno tržište, što je jedna od trenutačnih inicijativa unutar EU-a, iako su još uvijek znatne cjenovne razlike na pojedinim plinskim tržištima u svijetu (Sjedinjene Američke Države, Jugoistočna Azija). Razvoj globalnih energetskih tržišta omogućen je razvojem trgovine terminskih i opcijskih ugovora za trgovinu energentima koji su zamijenili prethodne bilateralne dogovore o kupoprodaji energenata između proizvođača i potrošača. Terminski su ugovori standardizirani ugovori kojima kupac pristaje kupiti određenu količinu robe (npr. sirove nafte) po određenoj cijeni s isporukom na neki datum u budućnosti. Prednosti su terminskih tržišta cjenovna transparentnost i informacije oko očekivanih cijena proizvoda. Opcijski ugovor sporazum je između prodavača i kupca koji kupcu ugovora daje pravo na kupnju ili prodaju određene robe po određenoj cijeni u budućnosti. Cijenu opcije određuje cijena temeljne imovine, cijena iskorištenja, rizik imovine, vrijeme dospijeća te kamatna stopa. Kupci i prodavači mogu upravljati rizikom promjene cijene kupnjom ili prodajom terminskih i opcijskih ugovora. Rizik se može potpuno eliminirati, ograničiti ili se katkad može preuzeti neuobičajeno velik rizik, za neku naknadu, što omogućuju terminska i opcijska tržišta koja su analizirana u radu kao i strategije trgovanja na njima. ; Energy mineral resources markets are represented by complex supply and demand ratios which are depending on different factors such as technical (transport) and geopolitical. The main specific of energy markets is represented by an uneven geographic distribution of hydrocarbon reserves and exploration on one hand and energy consumption on the other. World oil markets, although geographically localized, because of specific market trade, represent unique global market with decreasing price difference. Price differences are result of development of a transport possibilities of oil supply. Development of transport routes of natural gas and increasing number of liquefied natural gas terminals in the world give pressure to natural gas market and its integration into global gas market. Integration of regional gas markets into a common European gas market is main energy policy of EU concerning natural gas. On the other hand, there are still significant price differences on some markets (e.g. United States of America - South East Asia). Development of global energy markets is enabled by development of a futures and options contracts of an energy trade which have replaced bilateral contract deals between producers and consumers. Futures contracts are standardized contracts traded on exchanges. Buyer agrees to buy certain quantity of stock for an agreed upon price and with some future delivery date. Option is a contract which gives a buyer the option of the right to buy (or sell, depending on the option) an asset at predetermined price and at a later date. Stocks price risk can be managed with the purchase and selling futures and options contracts. This paper deals with futures and options energy markets and their market strategies.

U ovom članku nastoji se odgovoriti na pitanje tko su intelektualci i koliko su potrebni dru­štvu i Crkvi? Naime, bezbroj intelektualaca, među njima i teolozi, sudjelovalo je i sudjeluje u stvaranju i podržavanju destruktivnih suvremenih ideologija, religijskih fanatičnih pokreta i ciničnih politika. U bivšim socijalističkim zemljama angažirani humanisti, glavni nositelji slobode, disidenti i stradalnici, često su bili upravo intelektualci. U postsocijalističkim društvima i državama, pogotovo u našima na jugoistoku Europe, pogođenim ratovima i nacionalizmima te zahvaćenim tržišnom i konzumerističkom površnošću, intelektualci/teolozi su uz političare među najvećim kočničarima humanizacije društva: isključuju moral iz politike, odbacuju samokritičnost, građansku hrabrost te proročku dimenziju vjere. ; The aim of this paper is to provide an answer to the question of who are intellectuals and how much are they needed to society and the Church? Countless intellectuals, among them also theologians, played a role in creating and sustaining destructive regimes of contemporary ideologies, fanatical religious movements and cynical politics. In former socialist countries, active humanists, the main carriers of freedom, dissidents and sufferers, were often intellectuals. In postsocialist societies and countries, especially in Southeastern Europe, struck by war and nationalism, and overwhelmed with triviality of consumer's society, intellectuals/theologians are, next to politicians, the strongest barriers against humanization of society: they exclude morals from politics, they reject self­criticsm, civil bravery and prophetic dimension of faith.

The role of the European Union (EU) trade liberalisation with the Western Balkans — namely Kosovo, Montenegro, Albania, and Macedonia — is overestimated, as major benefits could be expected mainly from institutional reforms rather than trade creation and economic perspective due to low economic development and a lack of comparative advantages in these countries.1 The core issue to be addressed in this article is whether these firms can exploit the opportunities arising from the EU integration process. The aim of this article is to confirm the hypothesis that the Stabilization and Association Agreement (SAA) and trade agreements in the Western Balkans are not sufficient pre-conditions for successful performance and increase of exports by local firms; the main focus should be on the internal performance of firms. The paper analyses and compares the data collected by surveys conducted with local firms in Kosovo in order to measure the impact of the SAA. Finally, the article suggests that in the short and medium run the SAA could support and improve the quality of products, technical standards, and firm competitiveness as a pre-condition for better access to the EU market in the long run. ; The role of the European Union (EU) trade liberalisation with the Western Balkans — namely Kosovo, Montenegro, Albania, and Macedonia — is overestimated, as major benefits could be expected mainly from institutional reforms rather than trade creation and economic perspective due to low economic development and a lack of comparative advantages in these countries.1 The core issue to be addressed in this article is whether these firms can exploit the opportunities arising from the EU integration process. The aim of this article is to confirm the hypothesis that the Stabilization and Association Agreement (SAA) and trade agreements in the Western Balkans are not sufficient pre-conditions for successful performance and increase of exports by local firms; the main focus should be on the internal performance of firms. The paper analyses and compares the data collected by surveys conducted with local firms in Kosovo in order to measure the impact of the SAA. Finally, the article suggests that in the short and medium run the SAA could support and improve the quality of products, technical standards, and firm competitiveness as a pre-condition for better access to the EU market in the long run.

One of the central notions of the post-Yugoslav literature is the status of democracy in national states formed after the breakup of Yugoslavia. From the perspective of the exile, not only as banishment, but also as a liberating outside view into the once common social, cultural and political space, the post-Yugoslav writers question the social democracy praxis in their former home states comparing it to the social practices in the states of their current residence. In her books of essays, Dubravka Ugrešić ironizes different forms of social ideology in Croatia from the beginning of nineteen-nineties. Her writing recognizes the standards of European democracy accompanied with the ideological view into the questions of social rights, religion and language as the stumbling block of modern society. Ugrešić describes democracy as a notion hiding different things: the praxis of ruthless capitalist exploitation, loss of media freedom, media manipulation, the censorship of corporate capitalism, production of lies, modern slavery. (Don't take it personal, 2014), validating in her essays the importance of literature in disclosure of autocracy masked as democracy. ; One of the central notions of the post-Yugoslav literature is the status of democracy in national states formed after the breakup of Yugoslavia. From the perspective of the exile, not only as banishment, but also as a liberating outside view into the once common social, cultural and political space, the post-Yugoslav writers question the social democracy praxis in their former home states comparing it to the social practices in the states of their current residence. In her books of essays, Dubravka Ugrešić ironizes different forms of social ideology in Croatia from the beginning of nineteen-nineties. Her writing recognizes the standards of European democracy accompanied with the ideological view into the questions of social rights, religion and language as the stumbling block of modern society. Ugrešić describes democracy as a notion hiding different things: the praxis of ruthless capitalist exploitation, loss of media freedom, media manipulation, the censorship of corporate capitalism, production of lies, modern slavery. (Don't take it personal, 2014), validating in her essays the importance of literature in disclosure of autocracy masked as democracy.

Pravilno određeni i na jasan način prikazani načela, ciljevi i instrumenti temeljne su odrednice za uspješno uspostavljanje i provođenje pomorske i prometne politike Europske unije i njezinih zemalja članica, a kako bi se razvio efektivan prometni i pomorski sustav uz istovremeni gospodarski rast utemeljen na sustavu održivog razvoja potrebna je usklađenost nacionalne politike s determinantama pomorske i prometne politike Europske unije, uz respektiranje osobitih značajki pomorskog tržišta. Europska unija svojim programima, strategijama i projektima nastoji pomoći u razvitku svojih zemalja članica, te financiranjima i ograničenjima uvesti i održavati mir i sigurnost u teritorijalnim oblastima Europskog kontinenta, uz stvaranje međunarodne suradnje i očuvanja ljudskih prava i demokracije. ; Properly defined and clearly presented principles, goals and instruments are fundamental determinants for the successful establishment and implementation of maritime and transport policy of the European Union and its Member States, in order to develop an effective transport and maritime system with simultaneous economic growth based on sustainable development. It is necessary to harmonize the national policy with the determinants of the maritime and transport policy of the European Union, while respecting the special features of the maritime market. Through its programs, strategies and projects, the European Union seeks to help the development of its member states, and to introduce and maintain peace and security in the territorial areas of the European continent with funding and restrictions, while creating international cooperation and preserving human rights and democracy.

Pravilno određeni i na jasan način prikazani načela, ciljevi i instrumenti temeljne su odrednice za uspješno uspostavljanje i provođenje pomorske i prometne politike Europske unije i njezinih zemalja članica, a kako bi se razvio efektivan prometni i pomorski sustav uz istovremeni gospodarski rast utemeljen na sustavu održivog razvoja potrebna je usklađenost nacionalne politike s determinantama pomorske i prometne politike Europske unije, uz respektiranje osobitih značajki pomorskog tržišta. Europska unija svojim programima, strategijama i projektima nastoji pomoći u razvitku svojih zemalja članica, te financiranjima i ograničenjima uvesti i održavati mir i sigurnost u teritorijalnim oblastima Europskog kontinenta, uz stvaranje međunarodne suradnje i očuvanja ljudskih prava i demokracije. ; Properly defined and clearly presented principles, goals and instruments are fundamental determinants for the successful establishment and implementation of maritime and transport policy of the European Union and its Member States, in order to develop an effective transport and maritime system with simultaneous economic growth based on sustainable development. It is necessary to harmonize the national policy with the determinants of the maritime and transport policy of the European Union, while respecting the special features of the maritime market. Through its programs, strategies and projects, the European Union seeks to help the development of its member states, and to introduce and maintain peace and security in the territorial areas of the European continent with funding and restrictions, while creating international cooperation and preserving human rights and democracy.

U posljednjih 15-tak godina hrvatska politièka elita nije dovoljno uèinila na planu "debalkanizacije" lokalne uprave u RH koju obilježava korupcija, nepotizam, bahatost, glomaznost i neodgovornost. Nužno je stoga uspostaviti weberijanski model racionalne uprave koju, između ostaloga, obilježava načelo sine ira et studio. ; The territory of the Republic of Croatia was until the adoption of the Local Sel fgovernment and Administration Act of December 1992 divided into municipalities (102 in 1990) and associations of municipalities (10) which were local units at the regional level. Despite the argumented claims not to change the existing administrative-territorial division of the national territory until the end of the war, "extensive reorganization" of local self-government started. The number of local units increased by five times. In that process, not rational but political criteria were taken into consideration. During the 1990s, so called imaginary employment positions were opened in local units as one of the means of solving the problem of unemployment. Corruption and nepotism were among the main problems in local administration. "Balkanisation" of administration was at work, not only in Lika, but also in the Republic of Croatia. It was manifested in the following characteristics of administration: arrogance, massiveness, inefficiency and irresponsibility. The new political elite did little for "de-Balkanisation" of administration. That is, for the establishment of the Weberian model of rational administration which, among others, is characterised by the principle sine ira et studio. After political changes in 2000, certain efforts in respect of rationalisation of the system of local self-government have been made, particularly by the rationalisation of the number of employees. This, of course, is not enough. It is necessary to reduce a great number of municipalities, towns and counties. Instead of 21 counties, the Croatian territory should be divided into regions. And the area of Lika should probably most rationally be divided between the regions of Dalmatia and Rijeka.

U ovom prikazu autor analizira ekumenske i dijaloške poruke papâ koji su do sada posjećivali Bosnu i Hercegovinu i Republiku Hrvatsku u posljednjih dvadesetak godina, od 1994. do 2015. Ostvareno je sedam takvih pohoda: pet danas svetoga Ivana Pavla II.: tri Hrvatskoj (1994., 1998. i 2003.) i dva Bosni i Hercegovini (1997. i 2003.), te po jedan Benedikta XVI. (Hrvatskoj 2011.) i Franje (Bosni i Hercegovini 2015.). Još je jedan, a to je trebao biti prvi, bio posve pripremljen, ali neostvaren: pohod Ivana Pavla II. Sarajevu 1994. Budući da su objavljeni i svi za tu prigodu pripravljeni govori i poruke, i oni su uvršteni u ovaj pregled. Snagom svojega primata u Kristovoj Crkvi, a poštujući i naglašavajući sinodalnost kao način djelovanja episkopata i cijele Crkve, pape su pozivali na sprečavanje i obustavu rata, dok je on bjesnio ovim krajevima, na pravedan mir, zatim na opraštanje i pomirenje narodâ koji su do jučer međusobno ratovali, na odgovornost političkih vođa za pravedan mir i prosperitet svojih naroda. Posebno su pozivali vjernike da na temelju onoga što im je zajedničko, upravo kao vjernici dadu u tome svoj doprinos: kršćani Katoličke i Srpske Pravoslavne Crkve snagom svojega krštenja i vjere u Isusa Krista Spasitelja, a zajedno s njima i sljedbenici islama i židovstva, na temelju vjere u istoga Boga Stvoritelja. Na svim pohodima pape su slali osobito snažne ekumenske i dijaloške poruke, a redovito su se susretali i s predstavnicima drugih kršćanskih Crkava i drugih vjerskih zajednica. U Bosni i Hercegovini posebno su bili naglašeni susreti s Međureligijskim vijećem koje okuplja najistaknutije predstavnike Katoličke Crkve, Srpske Pravoslavne Crkve, Islamske te Židovske zajednice, a papa Ivan Pavao II., prigodom posjeta Sarajevu 1997., dodijelio je Međunarodnu nagradu za mir Ivan XXIII. četirima humanitarnim udrugama vezanim uz četiri vjerske zajednice u BiH: katoličkom Caritasu Biskupske konferencije BiH, pravoslavnom Dobrotvoru, muslimanskom Merhametu te židovskoj La Benevolenciji. Mir, pomirenje, opraštanje, na što su posebno pozvani svi vjernici, suradnja i solidarnost, vrednote su na kojima treba graditi dobru budućnost ovih država i naroda. Te poruke autor prezentira u ovom radu kronološkim redom pohoda papâ. ; In the article, the author analyzes ecumenical and dialogue messages of the Popes who visited Bosnia and Herzegovina and Croatia between 1994 and 2015. There were seven visits: five by Saint John Paul II, three to Croatia (1994, 1998, and 2003), and two to Bosnia and Herzegovina (1997 and 2003); one by Pope Benedict XVI (Croatia 2011), and one by Pope Francis (Bosnia and Herzegovina 2015). A visit to Bosnia and Herzegovina by John Paul II in 1994 was scheduled but did not take place. Since all the speeches and messages were prepared for this visit, these are covered in this overview. Respecting and accentuating synodality as a way of acting by bishops and the entire Church, and invoking the authority of their primacy in Christ's Church, and at a time of war in this country, the Popes called for the conflict to end and for further conflict to be prevented, for a just peace, for forgiveness and reconciliation among those who had recently fought against one another, and for leaders to take responsibility for delivering a just peace and prosperity to their people. The Popes urged people of faith to recognize what they had in common and to make a contribution on the basis of their faith, Catholics and Orthodox on the strength of their baptism and their faith in the Savior Jesus Christ, and together with them followers of Islam and the Jewish religion on the basis of the same faith in the Creator God. During their visits, the Popes especially emphasized strong ecumenical and dialogue messages and met with representatives of other Christian and religious communities. In Bosnia and Herzegovina, meetings with the Interreligious Council were highlighted, bringing together the most prominent representatives of the Catholic Church, the Orthodox Church, and the Islamic and Jewish religious communities. During his visit to Sarajevo in 1997, Pope John Paul II awarded the John XXIII international peace prize to four humanitarian organizations related to four religious communities in Bosnia and Herzegovina: Caritas of the Bishop's Conference of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Dobrotvor from the Orthodox Church, Merhamet from the Islamic religious community, and La Benevolencia from the Jewish religious community. The faithful are especially called to peace, forgiveness, and reconciliation, and cooperation and solidarity are values on which the future of the people should be built. The author introduces these messages following the chronological order of the pastoral visits.

Mada se bavljenje »pučkim« u kazališnim režijama Marina Carića uglavnom prepoznaje preko njegove dugogodišnje suradnje s Hvarskim pučkim kazalištem, u ovom ću se radu baviti tretmanom pučkog i popularnog, dotičući se fragmenata cjelokupnog redateljskog opusa Marina Carića. I u trenucima kada režira klasike domaće i svjetske dramske književnosti, Carić povezuje teatar i komunu, odnosno zajednicu. Na taj način posredno progovara o premošćivanju granica između popularnog i »elitnog«, o odnosu individualnog i kolektivnog, svjesnog i nesvjesnog, kulturalnog i političkog. ; In this paper I will talk about the treatment of folk theatre and popular theatre in the whole directing work of Marin Carić. When directing classics of local and international literature, Carić connects theatre and commune (community). In that way he speaks about crossing boundaries between popular and elitistic, about relationship between individually and collectively, conscious and unconscious, culture and politics.

Ovaj rad ispituje odnos između građanskih prosvjeda i društvenih medija iz perspektive istraživačkog programa kolektivnog djelovanja. Dok literatura ukazuje na snažne empirijske dokaze o pozitivnom odnosu između upotrebe društvenih medija i pojave građanskih prosvjeda, teorijsko je podupiranje ovog odnosa osporavano i često neodređeno. Nastojeći pružiti snažniju teorijsku osnovu za taj odnos, ovaj rad istražuje teorije kolektivnog djelovanja fokusirajući se na društvene medije i njihovu ulogu u rješavanju problema kolektivnog djelovanja onih koji se suprotstavljaju službenoj politici. Rad promišlja kako upotreba teorije kolektivnog djelovanja za razumijevanje društvenih medija i prosvjeda može poslužiti boljem razumijevanju pozitivnog odnosa između društvenih medija i pojave građanskih prosvjeda. ; This article examines the relationship between social protest and social media from the theoretical perspective of the Collective Action Research Program. While the literature shows strong empirical evidence for a positive relationship between social media use and incidents of social protest, the theoretical underpinnings of this relationship remain contested and often unspecified. In order to provide a stronger theoretical basis for this relationship this paper explores theories of collective action, focusing on how social media can assist in solving the dissident collective action problem. It argues that using collective action theory to understand social media and protest can better inform our understanding of how and why social media shares a positive relationship with incidents of social protest.

This research is premised on two theoretical constructs: that maps do not objectively depict space and that traditional cartography produces a geopolitical narrative. The research aim is to investigate geopolitical influence in modern, digital representations of space, and vice versa. This paper is divided into three parts: In the first, the digital representation of space is introduced and explained, and two widely acknowledged digital cartographic services are established as the empirical foundation of the research – Google (Google Maps and Google Earth), designed by cartographic and geo-data professionals, and OpenStreetMap, built through crowdsourcing. In the second part, the geopolitical features of traditional cartography are discussed in the context of digital mapping, including ethnocentricity and hierarchical representations of space, similarities to geopolitische karte, and "minor geopolitics." The final part asks and answers a key question about geopolitical subjectivity: "Who benefits from the geopolitical narratives in digital representations of space?" ; This research is premised on two theoretical constructs: that maps do not objectively depict space and that traditional cartography produces a geopolitical narrative. The research aim is to investigate geopolitical influence in modern, digital representations of space, and vice versa. This paper is divided into three parts: In the first, the digital representation of space is introduced and explained, and two widely acknowledged digital cartographic services are established as the empirical foundation of the research – Google (Google Maps and Google Earth), designed by cartographic and geo-data professionals, and OpenStreetMap, built through crowdsourcing. In the second part, the geopolitical features of traditional cartography are discussed in the context of digital mapping, including ethnocentricity and hierarchical representations of space, similarities to geopolitische karte, and "minor geopolitics." The final part asks and answers a key question about geopolitical subjectivity: "Who benefits from the geopolitical narratives in digital representations of space?"

Želja za osvajanjem športskih natjecanja ili opsjednutost postizanjem savršene građe učinila je pojedine adolescente i djecu podložnima uzimanju tvari ili primjeni metoda zabranjenih u športu. U našem smo se pregledu dotakli većine istraživanja iz područja dopinga koja se usko odnose na adolescente kao na vulnerabilnu skupinu. U potrazi za literaturom služili smo se tražilicom PubMed. Pretraga je izvođena po svim poljima na temelju MeSH predmetnica, adolescen*, doping, sport*, youth drug abuse in sport uz upotrebu Booleova operatora AND. Pubmed tražilica ponudila je više od 500 rezultata. Pomnim čitanjem sažetaka i cjelovitih radova, uz definiranu tematiku zanimljivu za raspravu odabran je 41 rad. Nesporna je činjenica da sredstva nedopuštena u športu štetno utječu na zdravlje, rast i razvitak u adolescentnoj dobi. Unatoč kreiranju politike i strategije razvijenijih zemalja u borbi protiv dopinga, rezultati jasno upućuju na to da se i dalje intenzivnije mora raditi na programima obrazovanja, prevencije, zabrane i testiranja na sredstva zabranjena u športu. ; The desire to win sports competitions or obsession with achieving the perfect body structure has made some adolescents and children vulnerable to taking substances and use of methods prohibited in sports. In our review, we refer to most of the research in the field of doping that narrowly concerns adolescents as a vulnerable group. In our search of the literature, we used the free search engine PubMed. The search was made in all fields based on the MeSH thesaurus; adolescent *, doping, sport *, youth drug abuse in sport using the Boolean operator AND. Based on the aforementioned MeSH thesaurus, using the Boolean operator AND, the Pubmed search engine offered more than 500 results. Careful reading of abstracts and full papers with a defined topic of interest for discussion included 41 papers. In conclusion, it is an indisputable fact that illicit substances adversely affect adolescent health, growth and development. Despite development of the policies and strategies of developed countries in the fight against doping, the results clearly indicate that education, prevention, prohibition and testing programs on substances and methods prohibited in sports still need to be intensified

Prikaz kataloga izložbe: Germano Celant, Chiara Costa, ur. Post Zang Tumb Tuuum. Art, Life, Politics: Italia 1918–1943, katalog izložbe. Milano: Fondazione Prada, 2018. (ISBN 9788887029710) ; Exhibition catalogue rewiev: Germano Celant, Chiara Costa, ed. Post Zang Tumb Tuuum. Art, Life, Politics: Italia 1918–1943, exhibition catalogue, Milano: Fondazione Prada, 2018. (ISBN 9788887029710)

In this article the author attempts to analyse the power relationships in the Yugoslav society, in post-war historical perspective of development. He is using the difference between power and meta-power as the conceptual framework. The whole development can be demonstrated as the creation of a system by actors who have meta-power and who want to negate their own meta-power by development of self-management. However, the spontaneous developments lead to such social structuring which challenges the established structure of meta^power. The dilemma with which those having meta-power are faced is whether to intervene into the development of the system and thus »come to surface« as the one having meta-power, or leave the development to remain spontaneous and in such a manner endanger their meta-power. Particular attention has been paid to the relationship between an enterprise and the political system as that sphere of the social system where the processes described in this article are shown with great clarity.