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The paper highlights the remarkable religious homogeneity & the much-evolved secularization of Scandinavian societies as the distinguishing features of these countries. These traits explain why Christian parties in northern Europe have remained relatively minor compared to their counterparts in other European countries. Christian parties (except, perhaps, in Norway) are of a rather recent date in Scandinavian countries (in 1933 in Norway, in 1958 in Finland, in 1964 in Sweden, & in 1970 in Denmark) & have neither shaped nor deeply influenced the development of Scandinavian democracy as a political system or a lifestyle. Christian parties in Scandinavia emerged at the time when the democratic systems of these countries had already developed, & the electorate had already chosen to adhere to one party or another. The author claims that Christian parties in Scandinavian countries came into being as a sort of moral & ethical protest at the time of rapid cultural secularization, the role they have more or less retained until now. The emergence of these parties went somewhat against the grain. First, they emerged in religiously homogenous & conflict-free societies. Second, despite the fact that almost 90% of the populations of these countries belong to the Lutheran state church, their support for Christian parties has been relatively low. Although minor in the number of votes they get, the role of Christian parties in the political life of these countries is far from negligible, as can be seen by their inclusion as partners in the coalition governments (today in Denmark, Finland, & Sweden, & formerly in Norway). 19 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author is of the opinion that Croatia has a singular tradition of Christian democracy represented by the political program of the Croatian Party of Rights after 1894, by the populist politics & policies of the Croatian Peasants' Party. The European experience in posttotalitarian societies shows that Christian democracy is a sine qua non for the renewal of the legal system & the system of values & should be taken into account in Croatia. Following the 1989 collapse of communism in Croatia, only a national-populist party could have gained political clout. That was why the Croatian Christian Democratic Party of Ivan Cesar was envisaged as a long-term political project. By bringing together all Christian democratic & populist parties within the Croatian Christian democratic union, a genuine political power could sprout that might be a force to reckon with when outlining Croatia's future political identity. Adapted from the source document.

Gdje su izvori i koji su razlozi procesa povijesnog revizionizma koji se od devedesetih sve jače i češće pojavljuje u raznim europskih zemljama i koje bi mogle biti njegove posljedice na odnose između zemalja članica Europske unije? Kako spriječiti sukob oko interpretacije povijesti koji utječe na samu srž pojma europske konfederacije? Članak pokušava dati odgovor na ta pitanja polazeći od analize razloga krize antifašizma, kao i drugih političkih i kulturnih faktora koji su ukorijenjeni u događajima iz devedesetih te s kraja Hladnog rata i rušenja komunističkih režima u srednjoj i istočnoj Europi. Konkretno istraživanje odnosi se na slučaj Italije, gdje se "bitka sjećanja" i revizionizma vodi oko tzv. fojbi, istarskih kraških jama u kojima je stradalo nekoliko stotina Talijana za vrijeme ustanka u jesen 1943. godine. Tijekom zadnjih dvadeset godina taj povijesni događaj, o kojem skoro nitko ništa nije znao i koji je imao marginalnu ulogu u širem kontekstu talijanskog sudjelovanja u Drugom svjetskom ratu, postao je povijesni mit sa svojim službenim "danom sjećanja", uzdignutim na razinu Dana sjećanja na Holokaust. Budući da je 2007. godine upravo oko sjećanja na fojbe došlo do diplomatskog sukoba između predsjednikâ Italije i Hrvatske, Giorgia Napolitana i Stjepana Mesića, sukoba koji je kasnije riješen potpisivanjem sporazuma o povijesnom pomirenju između Italije, Hrvatske i Slovenije u Trstu 2010. godine, fojbe su predstavljale izvrstan primjer analize "rata" na području interpretacije povijesti koji se nedavno pojavio u više krajeva Europe i koji ugrožava međunarodne odnose, ali i stanja unutar pojedinih država. ; Where are the sources and what are the reasons for the process of historical revisionism that emerged in many European countries in the beginning of the nineties? Is it possible to avoid conflicts around different interpretations of history that affect the core of the concept of European integration? The article is focused on the crisis of antifascist interpretation of the past in Italy, which is rooted in the events of the nineties. In particular, two events and processes have shaken the dominant discourses: the end of the Cold war and the collapse of communist regimes in Central and Eastern Europe. The focus of the research is on the Italian case, where the war of memories mainly revolved around the so-called foibe, the Istrian carsic caves in which hundreds of Italians perished in the Autumn of 1943. In the span of twenty years a historic event that only a few knew about and which played a marginal role in the bigger picture of the Italian engagement in WWII has been transformed into a historic myth with its official "Remembrance day" and put at the same level of importance as the memory of the Shoah. The new official politics of remembering the victims of the foibe has triggered a diplomatic crisis between Italy and Croatia, which has later been solved with the signing of a memorandum on historic reconciliation in Trieste in 2010 (jointly with Slovenia). The foibe case is here placed into a wider context of revisionism in interpretation of history of the Second World War and of immediate post-War events, which is currently happening in many parts of Europe – not only former Eastern Europe – and which may complicate bilateral relations between various countries, but also wider international relations.

The author defines the concepts of church, politics, & state within the framework of Catholicism. The Catholic Church is defined as a community of believers, radically declericalized following the Second Vatican Council. Politics is viewed as public activity with a view to achieving the common good within a political community, which is a broader concept than a state. The state & public authority are but agents of political communities in the service of the common good. Such a definition is diametrically opposed to the totalitarian views of the state as a self-purposeful entity superimposed on political communities & societies. The Christian foundation for understanding the relationship between the Church & the state is an individual & his/her conscience. The Church is independent of the state but, within its field of competences, it nevertheless includes certain secular functions: it protects the dignity of man, strengthens social solidarity, & gives meaning to ordinary human existence. Regardless of its role in a society, the Church has given the nod to discretionary participation (individual & collective) of the faithful in politics. Adapted from the source document.

The author defines the concepts of church, politics, & state within the framework of Catholicism. The Catholic Church is defined as a community of believers, radically declericalized following the Second Vatican Council. Politics is viewed as public activity with a view to achieving the common good within a political community, which is a broader concept than a state. The state & public authority are but agents of political communities in the service of the common good. Such a definition is diametrically opposed to the totalitarian views of the state as a self-purposeful entity superimposed on political communities & societies. The Christian foundation for understanding the relationship between the Church & the state is an individual & his/her conscience. The Church is independent of the state but, within its field of competences, it nevertheless includes certain secular functions: it protects the dignity of man, strengthens social solidarity, & gives meaning to ordinary human existence. Regardless of its role in a society, the Church has given the nod to discretionary participation (individual & collective) of the faithful in politics. Adapted from the source document.

The author reminds us that only after the Second Vatican Council did Catholicism change its reserved stance regarding contemporary politics & economy by starting to advocate a more positive political involvement of Catholic laity. However, it can be said that the political activism of Catholics confined to Christian-Democratic parties came to grief. This has been not solely the consequence of the ethical decadence of Christian Democratic politicians but also of increased secularization, which calls for a variety of forms of political activism on the part of Christians. Regarding the structuring of economy, the author goes along with the widespread belief in the superiority of capitalism over a totalitarian communist economy. At the same time, however, Christianity cannot accept "rampant capitalism" nor accept profit as the sole measure of good economic management, but must voice its views for social & humanistic correctives. Adapted from the source document.

U članku se uspoređuju politike povijesti Drugoga svjetskog rata u Estoniji i Hrvatskoj poslije državnog osamostaljenja. Pokazujući kako su estonski i hrvatski nacionalno-integracijski procesi dominantno bili obilježeni "potragom" za samostalnom državom, temeljna je teza članka da revizionističko sjećanje na estonske i hrvatske osovinske borce kao na "borce za naciju i državu" opstaje zbog isključivog shvaćanja Sovjetskog Saveza i Jugoslavije kao velikoruske odnosno velikosrpske "tamnice" estonskoga i hrvatskog naroda. Iako službeno sjećanje u objema zemljama ističe europsko antifašističko nasljeđe, oklijevanje vlasti u odmicanju od ekskluzivističkih državotvornih politika povijesti potiče pozitivnu interpretaciju estonskoga i hrvatskog fašizma. Autori zaključno prikazuju razlike među dvjema zemljama te upućuju na pogubnost aktualnih europskih politika spram totalitarizma kao obrasca suočavanja s Drugim svjetskim ratom, a koje Estoniju i Hrvatsku još više udaljuju od suočavanja s prošlošću. ; This article offers a comparison of the politics of history of WWII in Estonia and in Croatia after their independence. Following an introduction demonstrating how Estonian and Croatian national integrative processes were predominantly marked by their "pursuit" of independency, the main thesis is exposed – that the revisionist memory of Estonian and Croatian Axis fighters as "fighters for the nation and the state" has survived primarily due to the exclusivist understanding of the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia as the Greater-Russian or Greater-Serbian "dungeons" of Estonian and Croatian people, respectively. Although the official historical memory in both countries highlights the European anti-fascist heritage, the authorities' reluctance to move away from the exclusive statehood politics of history serves to promote a positive interpretation of Estonian and Croatian fascism. The authors in conclusion depict the differences between the two countries and warn of the fatal consequences of the current European policies towards totalitarianism as a pattern for dealing with World War II, which are pushing Estonia and Croatia further away from facing the past.

U članku se obrađuje problem europeizacije, jedan od ključnih pojmova koji se razvio unutar europskih studija u posljednjih desetak godina, od trenutka usvajanja i stupanja na snagu Maastrichtskog ugovora. U prvom dijelu obrađuju se različiti modeli europeizacije u širem kontekstu nego što je to konceptualni okvir Europske unije, u kojem se i javlja fenomen europeizacije. Stoga se pokušava izgraditi tipologija širih pristupa određivanju fenomena i procesa europeizacije, koja obuhvaća šest poimanja europeizacije: prvi je pristup geografsko-politički, gdje se pod europeizacijom poimlju promjene u vanjskim granicama Europe, od redukcijskoga svođenja Europe na zemlje Zapadne i Srednje Europe, do proširenja pojma Europe rubnim državama; drugo je poimanje europeizacije povezano s razvojem političkih institucija na europskoj razini. Treća defi nicija identifi cira europeizaciju kao izvoz oblika političke organizacije, koji polazi od iskustva europske kolonizacije, a danas se modifi cirao u širenje europskih vrijednosti snagom primjera na druge kontinente; četvrti je model europeizacije poistovjećivanje s projektom europskog ujedinjenja, s procesom integracije koji završava u federalnoj, ujedinjenoj Europi; peta je varijanta penetracija europskog modela višerazinske vladavine u nacionalne sustave vladavine, a očituje se u adaptaciji, konvergenciji i harmonizaciji političkih i pravnih sustava država članica. Autor toj klasičnoj tipologiji dodaje i šestu, koju naziva retrospektivnom europeizacijom, a koja podrazumijeva europeizaciju kao identifi kaciju s tradicionalnim europskim vrijednostima prije nastanka EZ-a i EU-a, prvenstveno s tradicijskim, kulturnim i vjerskim identitetom iz predintegracijskog razdoblja. U drugom dijelu obrađuju se razne defi nicije europeizacije koje su proizišle iz empirijskih istraživanja, a autor i tu izdvaja pet vrsta definicija koje se međutim ne isključuju, nego plastično ukazuju na složenost fenomena. Na kraju se nudi model istraživanja koji bi u hrvatskom slučaju ispitao validnost pojma ...

The Christian (Catholic) tradition has taken deep roots in Croatia. The new political structure has enabled the revival of the Catholic tradition not only at the level of human rights & freedoms but at the level of political activism as well (Christian-democratic parties). Christian values, important for the economic, political, cultural, & moral life, which have been advocated by the Catholic Church in its social teachings, are no longer marginalized in Croatia. On the other hand, liberal values of democratic capitalism of the West have also significantly increased its sway over Croatian economy & politics. Although the recent history of the relation between liberalism & Christianity does not give evidence of their mutual respect regarding freedom & democracy (but of a critical distance, rather), the reality of democratic capitalism (US, for example) points to the necessity of establishing new relations. Croatia is a suitable space in which the relationship between the liberal & the Catholic values may change from the critical to the constructive distance. 18 References. Adapted from the source document.

The Christian (Catholic) tradition has taken deep roots in Croatia. The new political structure has enabled the revival of the Catholic tradition not only at the level of human rights & freedoms but at the level of political activism as well (Christian-democratic parties). Christian values, important for the economic, political, cultural, & moral life, which have been advocated by the Catholic Church in its social teachings, are no longer marginalized in Croatia. On the other hand, liberal values of democratic capitalism of the West have also significantly increased its sway over Croatian economy & politics. Although the recent history of the relation between liberalism & Christianity does not give evidence of their mutual respect regarding freedom & democracy (but of a critical distance, rather), the reality of democratic capitalism (US, for example) points to the necessity of establishing new relations. Croatia is a suitable space in which the relationship between the liberal & the Catholic values may change from the critical to the constructive distance. 18 References. Adapted from the source document.

U ovom članku razmatra se odnos između umnog mišljenja i umnog djelovanja, filozofije i politike, u perspektivi u kojoj se taj odnos, ako je pravilno shvaćen, pokazuje kao odlučujući i za proces repolitizacije koji se, kako izgleda, nameće kao neodložna obaveza našeg vremena. Nastoji se pokazati da je starogrčko iskustvo razumijevanja filozofije i politike, transformirano u moderni na određen način, mjerodavno i za suvremenu emancipaciju na- šeg umnog života. A u tom sklopu umnog života, pokazuje se da mišljenje uvijek predstavlja i jedan politički čin, a politika, sa svoje strane, uvijek iznosi (i) specifično mišljenje. ; This paper discusses the relationship between rational thought and rational action, between philosophy and politics, in a perspective in which this relationship, if properly understood, turns out to be decisive for the repoliticisation process that seems to impose itself as an urgent obligation of our time. It will be shown that the ancient Greek experience of understanding philosophy and politics, transformed in modernity in a certain way, is also relevant to the contemporary emancipation of our rational life. And in this context of rational life, it is shown that thought is always a political act and politics, in turn, always presents specific thought.

U članku se govori o utjecaju odluka Drugoga vatikanskoga koncila na djelovanje Katoličke crkve (Barske nadbiskupije i Kotorske biskupije) u Crnoj Gori. Ekumenizam, ili borba za ujedinjenje kršćanskih crkava, bio je jedan od glavnih zaključaka toga koncila. Ekumenska politika došla je do izražaja u drugoj polovini šezdesetih godina i imala je važnu ulogu u aktivnostima Katoličke crkve u Crnoj Gori. Na taj se način pokušala približiti Srpskoj pravoslavnoj crkvi, a zatim i Islamskoj zajednici i nametnuti im svoje stavove. To je dovelo do intenziviranja vjerskoga života, do novih odnosa između vjerskih zajednica i socijalističkoga režima i do promjena u međunacionalnim odnosima. Ta politika odrazila se i na unutrašnje odnose u Barskoj nadbiskupiji i Kotorskoj biskupiji. Članak je nastao na temelju prvorazrednih arhivskih izvora iz fonda Republičke komisije za vjerska pitanja Crne Gore. ; The ecumenical initiative of the Catholic Church was one of the main outcomes of the Second Vatican Council. Ecumenism aimed for the unification of Christian churches, partnership with other religious communities, and a conciliatory relationship with the socialist regime. In this period, the traditional tolerance between religious communities was practised and the Church established relatively good relations with the government of Montenegro. This is why the Catholic Church in Montenegro embraced ecumenism, which was expressed through the work of the Archdiocese of Bar and the Diocese of Kotor. The Archbishop of Bar, Aleksandar Tokić, and the Apostolic Administrator of the Diocese of Kotor, Gracija Ivanović, made a personal contribution to this initiative. They established close ties with the Orthodox Metropolitan of Montenegro and the Littoral, Danilo Dajković, and the President of the Islamic Community (IC) in Montenegro, Šukrija Bakalović. They succeeded in engaging the Orthodox and Islamic leaders in Catholic religious celebrations, while the Catholic priests attended the religious celebrations of the Orthodox and the Muslims. The Montenegrin authorities had their representatives participate in these ceremonies too. This was all prompted by Catholic ecumenism, while the ecumenical strivings of the Catholic Church in Montenegro were also encouraged by the Vatican, i.e. the highest representatives of the Holy See and Pope Paul VI. The ecumenism of the Catholic Church in Montenegro had special features. It was of pro-Yugoslav orientation. It respected the religious, national, and traditional characteristics of Montenegro, and aimed for a partnership with the socialist regime. Archbishop Tokić and Administrator Ivanović also felt a strong attachment to Montenegro and Yugoslavia, and therefore cultivated a genuine friendship with the Orthodox and the Muslim population. Despite the sincere efforts and initial enthusiasm, their ecumenism failed because the Serbian Orthodox Church (SOC) in Montenegro did not accept such politics of the Catholic Church. The SOC was willing to maintain good relations and promote the traditional inter-religious tolerance, but no more than that, because it thought that the Catholic Church's ecumenism was just a new attempt to impose its dominance. This ecumenism failed to achieve unity or the unification of Christians and churches, though it did succeed in strengthening and expanding interfaith cooperation and dialogue between Catholics and Orthodox Christians in Montenegro. Therefore, this policy can only be conditionally called 'ecumenical'. The Islamic Community accepted a call to strengthen inter-religious dialogue, but it also produced limited results. It was based solely on the contacts between the religious leaders.

Posthumno objavljen roman Ernesta Hemingwaya Rajski vrt je tekst prepun sukobljenih čežnja, posebice onih između heteroseksualiteta, homoseksualiteta i hermafroditizma. To je također roman koji iskazuje Hemingwayeve osjećaje nesigurnosti kada je riječ o muškosti i hermafroditizmu. U svome protagonistu, piscu Davidu Bourneu, Hemingway predstavlja ne samo osobne čežnje i strahove o seksualnosti nego i način na koji "pisanje" može omogućiti rješenje ovih nesigurnosti. ; Ernest Hemingway's posthumous novel The Garden of Eden is a text rife with competing desires, especially those between heterosexuality, homosexuality, and androgyny. It is a novel that also rehearses its author Ernest Hemingway's ambiguous feelings concerning masculinity and androgyny. Through his writer-protagonist David Bourne, Hemingway dramatizes not only his personal desires and fears about sexuality, but also how "writing" can provide a solution for such insecurities.

Finer investigated the phenomenon of politics in its spatial & temporal framework, trying to look into as many forms of government as possible & to find uniformity in their variety. He paid particular attention to a study of institutions of government, which he considered the core of politics. His investigations focused on the state. By condensing the consequences of the emergence of the state on the forms of government, Finer came up with two variables: the extent to which rulers establish a standardized central administration & the extent to which homogeneous culture, religion, & laws are achieved. The second important topic in Finer's research was military organization. He wanted to demonstrate how the survival of a state, international order, social distribution of power, governing, the degree of bureaucratization, & a regime's nature, are intertwined with the structure of the state's military institutions. His opinion was that the military organization is necessary for the establishment & preservation of political communities, regimes, & governments. According to Finer, the state's key functions are preparing for wars, waging wars, reconstructing the country after wars, & expecting the next war. Finer's third topic is the relationship between political & religious systems of belief. He stressed their dualistic nature, with two more or less independent hierarchies that have been a source of serious tensions. Furthermore, Finer links the existing system of beliefs, social stratification, & political institutions. Where these factors are balanced, the political community achieves permanent stability. 2 Figures. Adapted from the source document.