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Lovin reviews Politics and Religion by Steve Bruce.

An examination of historical problems created by religion highlights claims that one's power is a direct product of a Divine Right that gives a particular nation or leader a monopoly on truth. Germany Chancellor Gerhard Schroder said he was shocked when US President George W. Bush confided that he was "driven with a mission from God." Historians recognize that the current conflicts between the West & the Islamic world are rooted in the Age of Crusades & Arabic conquests in Europe when those of one religion fought peoples of other faiths to expand their own spheres of influence. It is argued that diversity is at the core of human evolution & no one can claim a monopoly on truth. Religion is a weighty factor in today's global rivalry & confrontations over different values & development models, as well as many other urgent global issues, including the current financial crisis. Emphasis is placed on the critical need to recognize the problems created by religion's mounting impact before it is too late. J. Lindroth

In Paris in the autumn of 1989 three Muslim girls, observing their own religious custom, went to school wearing Muslim headscarves. The ensuing political storm, which continued unabated into 1990, has brought sharply into focus one of the fundamental questions related to Western democracy: the nature of the relationship between religion and the state. The 'scarves affair' was primarily a dispute between practitioners of Islam and the secular state. However, the controversy in France and similar recent controversies elsewhere have forced a general and radical reappraisal of the wide and complex.

Bergson, Politics, and Religion examines the political and religious dimensions of the work of philosopher Henri Bergson. Although best known for his ideas on the nature of time, memory, and evolution, in his final book-The Two Sources of Morality and Religion (1932)-Bergson turned his attention to questions of war, moral duty, and spirituality. The essays in this volume reflect on Bergson as a distinctly political thinker and revitalize his ideas for contemporary political philosophy. Contributors include Keith Ansell-Pearson, Claire Colebrook, Leonard Lawlor, Paola Marrati.

Religion and politics have depended on and influenced one another since the origins of what we know as Latin America. Their relation is both mutual and multifaceted; mutual because religion and politics have evolved together over the years, taking material and symbolic support from one another, and multifaceted because it embraces interinstitutional conflict and accommodation (e.g., the "church-state" relations which dominated earlier scholarship) as well as more subtle and elusive exchanges whereby religious and political orders gave legitimacy and moral authority to one another. In this process, religious notions of hierarchy, authority, and obedience reflected and reinforced the pattern of existing social and political arrangements to such an extent that the two orders often seemed indistinguishable.

Political accommodation and violence in non-Islamic states -- The Islamic state and democracy -- The concept of the guardianship of the jurisprudent -- Islamic universalism and national identity -- The struggle with the West -- The resistance to the Israeli occupation of South Lebanon -- Anti-Zionism and Israel -- Anti-Judaism

L'article étudie le rôle de la religion dans la politique de l'Haïti contemporaine, en regard de la croissance du nationalisme pendant la période de l'occupation américaine de l'île (1915–34). L'auteur y soutient que les rapports entre la politique et la religion instaurés par l'ère Duvalier ne sauraient s'expliquer sans cet arrière-plan. Deux aspects du nationalisme haïtien lui semblent particulièrement significatifs: l'hostilité des écrivains nationalistes à l'égard d'une église dominée par l'étranger, d'une part, ce qui a fait souhaiter l'émergence d'une église nationale à hiérarchie autochtone et provoqué la dénonciation du rôle de l'Eglise en matière d'éducation; la présentation du Voodoo, d'autre part, comme véritable religion des masses haïtiennes par beaucoup de jeunes intellectuels de cette époque, dont Duvalier.La deuxième partie de l'article scrute la crise de 1960–6 entre l'Eglise et l'Etat. Duvalier voyait évidemment l'Eglise catholique comme un des centres virtuels d'opposition à son régime: la plus grande partie du clergé et tous les évêques diocésains étaient étrangers, lew sympathie allant généralement aux adversaires de Duvalier. De fait, ils tendaient à se mêler à l'élite mulâtre et à refléter les vues politiques de ce groupe. Duvalier vit également une menace dans le développement rapide d'une gauche catholique, au sein des syndicats et parmi les étudiants. Une lutte ouverte entre l'Eglise et l'Etat finit par se déclarer, au bout de laquelle l'archevêque de Portau-Prince fut expulsé, le Président excommunié et le Nonce rappelé. La crise devait se résorber en 1966 par la signature d'un accord entre Duvalier et le Vatican portant sur l'institution d'une hiérarchie catholique d'origine haïtienne.L'article expose également la politique de Duvalier à l'égard du culte Voodoo et des diverses congrégations protestantes.