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Cours given at the summer session of the Institute of French Studies in NYU, branch of Paris.graduated level. From the successive cases of headscarf to Manif for all, religious issues occupy a central place in contemporary French political debates and contradict France's representations as a secular country where religion is completely relegated to the private sphere. This course will propose to revisit the specific features of political regulation of religion in France, as well as the idea of a 'return of religion' in France. It will address issues such as the visibility of religion in public spaces; the articulation between religious practice and political participation; the diversity of movements claiming secularism today; relations between state and religious leaders Catholic, Muslim and Jewish. ; Master ; Cours given at the summer session of the Institute of French Studies in NYU, branch of Paris.graduated level. From the successive cases of headscarf to Manif for all, religious issues occupy a central place in contemporary French political debates and contradict France's representations as a secular country where religion is completely relegated to the private sphere. This course will propose to revisit the specific features of political regulation of religion in France, as well as the idea of a 'return of religion' in France. It will address issues such as the visibility of religion in public spaces; the articulation between religious practice and political participation; the diversity of movements claiming secularism today; relations between state and religious leaders Catholic, Muslim and Jewish. ; Cours dispensé lors de la session d'été de l'Institute of French Studies à NYU, antenne de Paris.Niveau graduate. Depuis les successives affaires du foulard jusqu'à la Manif pour tous, les questions religieuses occupent une place centrale dans les débats politiques français contemporains et contredisent les représentations de la France comme un pays laïque où la religion serait totalement reléguée dans la ...

"Cet ouvrage s'intéresse à la place centrale qu'occupe le corps, notamment dans ses aspects genrés, dans l'expression et la gestion du religieux, par les religions elles-mêmes et par l'État. En effet, au-delà des impacts des politiques décidées par l'État sur une ou plusieurs religions, on peut élargir la question et interroger l'influence religieuse--ou ce qu'il en reste--sur ses politiques."--

About: Avit of Vienna, Letters. — Introduction and text drawn up by E. Malaspina translation and notes by Mr Reydellet. — Paris: The Belles Letters, 2016. — CLXXVIII 259 p.: bibliogr., index. — (CUF, ISSN: 0184.7155: Latin series; 411). — ISBN: 978.2.251.01471.5. ; International audience ; About: Avit of Vienna, Letters. — Introduction and text drawn up by E. Malaspina translation and notes by Mr Reydellet. — Paris: The Belles Letters, 2016. — CLXXVIII 259 p.: bibliogr., index. — (CUF, ISSN: 0184.7155: Latin series; 411). — ISBN: 978.2.251.01471.5. ; À propos de : Avit de Vienne, Lettres. – Introduction et texte établi par E. Malaspina traduction et notes par M. Reydellet. – Paris : Les Belles Lettres, 2016. – CLXXVIII+259 p. : bibliogr., index. – (CUF, ISSN : 0184.7155 : série latine ; 411). – ISBN : 978.2.251.01471.5.

The analysis represents sociological reflection about the contemporary religion and social conflicts in their most violent form. It is based upon the tragic vicissitudes of the crisis in former Yugoslavia having exploded in a cruel war. The course of events is approached as something having been easily predictable, and deeply embedded in the modern European political and social history, and, therefore, with high symptomatic relevance, to be interpreted not primarily as a kind of tail of the world of the XIXth century but as an extreme case of some current trends of wider dimensions. The war is interpreted as the almost unavoidable consequence of political strategies pursuing the same but diametrically opposed political objectives, best described by Mazzini's political formula "Every nation a state and only one state for every nation" or Gellner's sociological one "One nation, one culture, one state". Therefore, the crucial problem becomes the problem of the role of religion and churches in an area with mixed populations but dominated by opposed nationalism. The theoretical framework for interpretation of nationalist political strategies is taken from Gellner as well as from Offe. The crucial fact is that the nationalist political strategies or the ethnicification of politics have obtained not only mass support on the part of believers and belongers to the respective religious comunities but also their specific legitimacy in religious terms. Some major consequences of such a legitimization of nationalist political strategies are traced and described on three different levels and settings: a) a general level, b) a long range historical one, and c) a transitional one. The crucial conclusions arrived at are that an expected spiritual re-awakening focused upon a restoration of personal moral consciousness and renewed interest in spirituality and spiritual tradition has been practically inundated by a tidal wave of nationalization of the sacred and sacralization of the nation. Therefore, the most extensive religious revival has occured so far alongside to nationalist movements.

L'article se propose, en tenant compte du développement des études simmeliennes, de saisir les relations entre sociologie pure du phénomène religieux et analyse de la catégorie religieuse comme cadre général de formation de la réalité. Une première partie rappelle les grands thèmes de la sociologie pure de Simmel. La seconde partie précise les étapes qui mènent à la monographie de 1906 puis commente l'idée centrale de Die Religion : la religion est la mise en forme d'une religiosité diffuse présente dans de nombreuses manifestations ou relations sociales, qui ne sont pas à strictement parler religieuses. Une approche de certains phénomènes sociaux en terme de religiosité, l'étude des conditions du passage de la religiosité diffuse à la religion, l'approche enfin des analyses par Simmel de la situation religieuse de son temps complètent le tableau et illustrent l'intérêt d'un nouveau regard critique des sociologues des religions sur une oeuvre encore trop méconnue.

This thesis relates to the problems of secularity and religion to Tunisia. The stake is to study these two concepts in a new ground : Tunisia. This study rises from independence until the revolution.In the first left, the thesis concentrates on the genesis of the concept of secularity, its originality and the specificity of the Tunisian policy. This part constitutes first cross between the political power and religious.In the second part, the thesis concentrates on the Tunisian society. It focuses hard tearing between the adhesion of the movement reformist forced by Bourguiba and the Islamism represented by the movement of the Islamic Tendency. This part will be an opportunity to explore new social space. A new social architecture will be drawn, between female warping and the blooming of the religiosity.In the last part, we are accentuated on the excitement of the contemporary Tunisian thought in front of the choice between appropriation and adaptation to the secularism. The initial question in this part is doubly ambiguous. how does the Islamic company lay out the questions which disturbs it? Religious freedom, apostasy, wine, testimony : concepts subjected to endless debates. How can we interpret the delay of the Muslim company? The studies of Charfi and Talbi give us some tracks of thought. A new feminine generation will be present in Tunisia. It will be time to discover how the female thought occupies it the cultural scene in Tunisia. This thesis tries to answer if secularity is the cause of the crisis of the Tunisian society or the solution. ; Cette thèse porte sur la problématique de la laïcité et religion en Tunisie. L'enjeu est d'étudier ces deux notions dans un terrain nouveau : la Tunisie. Cette étude découle de l'indépendance jusqu'à la révolution. Dans le première partie, la thèse se concentre sur la genèse du concept de la laïcité, son originalité et la spécificité de la politique tunisienne. Cette partie constitue une première croisée entre le pouvoir politique et religieux. Dans la deuxième ...

Blasphemy is since the beginning of its recorded history not only a religious but also a political concept. Jerusalem, Athens, Rome, the founding deaths of Socrates and Jesus Christ, both sentenced to death, the first for impiety, the second for blasphemy, but also the Torah, the Gospel and the Quran show that the prohibition of blasphemy has above all a political function, which is to eliminate whoever harms the community. With modernity, the invention of tolerance and the proclamation of freedom of expression as a fundamental right, blasphemy should have disappeared. Instead, it metamorphosed. From Salman Rushdie to Charlie Hebdo, it became a worldwide issue. In the Muslim world, its prohibition has become a fearsome tool of repression of religious minorities on a national level and of acceleration of a clash of civilizations on an international level. To face this challenge, Europe pretends to answer with freedom of expression, but the majority of European countries still forbid blasphemy, understood no more as an offense to God but an offense to the believers, which is the sign of a rogue secularization. This is especially true in France where the proliferation of laws limiting freedom of expression ended up in a re-introduction of the prohibition of blasphemy and more generally of crimes of opinion. ; Le blasphème est, depuis ses origines, un concept politique qui n'intéresse le religieux que marginalement. Jérusalem, Athènes, Rome, les morts fondatrices de Socrate et de Jésus-Christ, tous deux condamnés à la peine capitale, le premier pour impiété, le second pour blasphème, ainsi que la Torah, l'Évangile et le Coran témoignent que l'histoire de l'interdiction du blasphème est avant tout celle de sa fonction politique, qui est d'éliminer celui qui nuit à la communauté. Avec l'apparition de la modernité, l'invention de la tolérance et la proclamation de la liberté d'expression comme droit fondamental, le blasphème aurait dû disparaître. Il s'est en fait transformé. De Salman Rushdie à Charlie Hebdo, il est ...