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The article deals with the separation of church and state as the key historical turning point in the creation of one of the fundamental determining factors of contemporary states and political systems. The author gives an account of the contributions of the American and European political traditions, and presents a very comprehensive historical context in which Christianity introduced a new model of relations between church and state. The Western tradition of church-state interrelations is essentially characterized by the problem of separation, and by various legal-political arrangements founded on the principle of separation of church and state. Consequently, the article aims to put forward some of the relevant ideas which contributed to the creation of the church separation principle, as well as some of the basic elements of the relations between church and state in contemporary political systems. Adapted from the source document.

Članak se fokusira na proces osnivanja Etnografskog muzeja Istre šezdesetih godina 20. stoljeća. Osnivanje muzeja dijelom je povezano s činjenicom da je to vrijeme nestajanja predmeta tradicijske kulture sa sela zbog ubrzane industrijalizacije i sve većeg odlaska ljudi u gradove što dovodi do potrebe sakupljanja i izlaganja predmeta u muzejima. No, prikupljanje predmeta, stvaranje zbirki i naposljetku osnivanje Etnografskog muzeja Istre u uskoj je povezanosti i s političkom situacijom nakon Drugoga svjetskog rata, odnosno s procesom utvrđivanja granice između Italije i Hrvatske odnosno Jugoslavije u Istri. Upravo je kroz zapisnike sjednica Društva za povijest i kulturna pitanja Istre – podružnice Pazin vidljiv utjecaj struke, ali i politike na odluku o osnivanju Etnografskog muzeja Istre u Pazinu 1962. godine. Osim toga, u članku je pokazano i da je prostor Kaštela služio za stanovanje i bio dio obiteljskih povijesti stanovnika Pazina koji su živjeli u Kaštelu ili u okolici. ; The article focuses on the process of establishment of the Ethnographic Museum of Istria in the nineteen-sixties. The establishment of the Museum is partly associated with the fact that the period in question was distinguished by the disappearance of traditional culture objects from rural areas due to accelerated industrial development and greater migration of the population to towns. This brought about the need to collect and display objects in a museum. However, the collection of objects, the creation of collections and, eventually, the foundation of the Ethnographic Museum of Istria were also closely linked with the political situation after the Second World War and the process of definition of the border between Italy and Croatia/Yugoslavia in Istria. The minutes of the meetings of the Society for Istrian History and Culture (Pazin Branch) show the influence of museum professionals, but also of politicians, on the foundation of the Ethnographic Museum of Istria in Pazin in 1962. Moreover,the article also shows that the Kaštel (Pazin Castle) was also used for residential purposes and constituted a part of the family history of the citizens of Pazin who lived in Kaštel or the surroundings.

According to Luhmann, religion transforms the indefinable/un-defined into the definable/defined complexity, thus outlining the problems of the whole society. Due to this function, religion remains bound to the level of the entirety of a social system. Nevertheless, in time, in the course of the functional differentiation of society, different sub-systems have been created for different tasks (economy, science, politics, education, etc) & religion has been accorded the status of one such system. Besides distinguishing among various subsystems, this process implies the separation of diverse task-areas within the religious system itself. By & by, within the Christian religion, three functionally differentiated spheres have emerged which Luhmann labels as a) the church, ie, the entirety of spiritual communication in which the function of the system of religion is fulfilled for the whole social system; b) Diaconate (Diakonie), which performs the system's tasks towards other social sub-systems (these tasks, in line with the theory of systems, may be termed services Leistungen) as well as towards personal systems (in line with the theory of systems they may be termed pastoral -- Seelsorge); & c) theology (Theologie) whose role within the religious system may be described as reflexion (Reflexion) ie, the task of the reflexive contact of one's own identity. 1 Table, 10 References. Adapted from the source document.

The paper highlights the remarkable religious homogeneity & the much-evolved secularization of Scandinavian societies as the distinguishing features of these countries. These traits explain why Christian parties in northern Europe have remained relatively minor compared to their counterparts in other European countries. Christian parties (except, perhaps, in Norway) are of a rather recent date in Scandinavian countries (in 1933 in Norway, in 1958 in Finland, in 1964 in Sweden, & in 1970 in Denmark) & have neither shaped nor deeply influenced the development of Scandinavian democracy as a political system or a lifestyle. Christian parties in Scandinavia emerged at the time when the democratic systems of these countries had already developed, & the electorate had already chosen to adhere to one party or another. The author claims that Christian parties in Scandinavian countries came into being as a sort of moral & ethical protest at the time of rapid cultural secularization, the role they have more or less retained until now. The emergence of these parties went somewhat against the grain. First, they emerged in religiously homogenous & conflict-free societies. Second, despite the fact that almost 90% of the populations of these countries belong to the Lutheran state church, their support for Christian parties has been relatively low. Although minor in the number of votes they get, the role of Christian parties in the political life of these countries is far from negligible, as can be seen by their inclusion as partners in the coalition governments (today in Denmark, Finland, & Sweden, & formerly in Norway). 19 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author is of the opinion that Croatia has a singular tradition of Christian democracy represented by the political program of the Croatian Party of Rights after 1894, by the populist politics & policies of the Croatian Peasants' Party. The European experience in posttotalitarian societies shows that Christian democracy is a sine qua non for the renewal of the legal system & the system of values & should be taken into account in Croatia. Following the 1989 collapse of communism in Croatia, only a national-populist party could have gained political clout. That was why the Croatian Christian Democratic Party of Ivan Cesar was envisaged as a long-term political project. By bringing together all Christian democratic & populist parties within the Croatian Christian democratic union, a genuine political power could sprout that might be a force to reckon with when outlining Croatia's future political identity. Adapted from the source document.

Gdje su izvori i koji su razlozi procesa povijesnog revizionizma koji se od devedesetih sve jače i češće pojavljuje u raznim europskih zemljama i koje bi mogle biti njegove posljedice na odnose između zemalja članica Europske unije? Kako spriječiti sukob oko interpretacije povijesti koji utječe na samu srž pojma europske konfederacije? Članak pokušava dati odgovor na ta pitanja polazeći od analize razloga krize antifašizma, kao i drugih političkih i kulturnih faktora koji su ukorijenjeni u događajima iz devedesetih te s kraja Hladnog rata i rušenja komunističkih režima u srednjoj i istočnoj Europi. Konkretno istraživanje odnosi se na slučaj Italije, gdje se "bitka sjećanja" i revizionizma vodi oko tzv. fojbi, istarskih kraških jama u kojima je stradalo nekoliko stotina Talijana za vrijeme ustanka u jesen 1943. godine. Tijekom zadnjih dvadeset godina taj povijesni događaj, o kojem skoro nitko ništa nije znao i koji je imao marginalnu ulogu u širem kontekstu talijanskog sudjelovanja u Drugom svjetskom ratu, postao je povijesni mit sa svojim službenim "danom sjećanja", uzdignutim na razinu Dana sjećanja na Holokaust. Budući da je 2007. godine upravo oko sjećanja na fojbe došlo do diplomatskog sukoba između predsjednikâ Italije i Hrvatske, Giorgia Napolitana i Stjepana Mesića, sukoba koji je kasnije riješen potpisivanjem sporazuma o povijesnom pomirenju između Italije, Hrvatske i Slovenije u Trstu 2010. godine, fojbe su predstavljale izvrstan primjer analize "rata" na području interpretacije povijesti koji se nedavno pojavio u više krajeva Europe i koji ugrožava međunarodne odnose, ali i stanja unutar pojedinih država. ; Where are the sources and what are the reasons for the process of historical revisionism that emerged in many European countries in the beginning of the nineties? Is it possible to avoid conflicts around different interpretations of history that affect the core of the concept of European integration? The article is focused on the crisis of antifascist interpretation of the past in Italy, which is rooted in the events of the nineties. In particular, two events and processes have shaken the dominant discourses: the end of the Cold war and the collapse of communist regimes in Central and Eastern Europe. The focus of the research is on the Italian case, where the war of memories mainly revolved around the so-called foibe, the Istrian carsic caves in which hundreds of Italians perished in the Autumn of 1943. In the span of twenty years a historic event that only a few knew about and which played a marginal role in the bigger picture of the Italian engagement in WWII has been transformed into a historic myth with its official "Remembrance day" and put at the same level of importance as the memory of the Shoah. The new official politics of remembering the victims of the foibe has triggered a diplomatic crisis between Italy and Croatia, which has later been solved with the signing of a memorandum on historic reconciliation in Trieste in 2010 (jointly with Slovenia). The foibe case is here placed into a wider context of revisionism in interpretation of history of the Second World War and of immediate post-War events, which is currently happening in many parts of Europe – not only former Eastern Europe – and which may complicate bilateral relations between various countries, but also wider international relations.

The author defines the concepts of church, politics, & state within the framework of Catholicism. The Catholic Church is defined as a community of believers, radically declericalized following the Second Vatican Council. Politics is viewed as public activity with a view to achieving the common good within a political community, which is a broader concept than a state. The state & public authority are but agents of political communities in the service of the common good. Such a definition is diametrically opposed to the totalitarian views of the state as a self-purposeful entity superimposed on political communities & societies. The Christian foundation for understanding the relationship between the Church & the state is an individual & his/her conscience. The Church is independent of the state but, within its field of competences, it nevertheless includes certain secular functions: it protects the dignity of man, strengthens social solidarity, & gives meaning to ordinary human existence. Regardless of its role in a society, the Church has given the nod to discretionary participation (individual & collective) of the faithful in politics. Adapted from the source document.

The author defines the concepts of church, politics, & state within the framework of Catholicism. The Catholic Church is defined as a community of believers, radically declericalized following the Second Vatican Council. Politics is viewed as public activity with a view to achieving the common good within a political community, which is a broader concept than a state. The state & public authority are but agents of political communities in the service of the common good. Such a definition is diametrically opposed to the totalitarian views of the state as a self-purposeful entity superimposed on political communities & societies. The Christian foundation for understanding the relationship between the Church & the state is an individual & his/her conscience. The Church is independent of the state but, within its field of competences, it nevertheless includes certain secular functions: it protects the dignity of man, strengthens social solidarity, & gives meaning to ordinary human existence. Regardless of its role in a society, the Church has given the nod to discretionary participation (individual & collective) of the faithful in politics. Adapted from the source document.

U članku se uspoređuju politike povijesti Drugoga svjetskog rata u Estoniji i Hrvatskoj poslije državnog osamostaljenja. Pokazujući kako su estonski i hrvatski nacionalno-integracijski procesi dominantno bili obilježeni "potragom" za samostalnom državom, temeljna je teza članka da revizionističko sjećanje na estonske i hrvatske osovinske borce kao na "borce za naciju i državu" opstaje zbog isključivog shvaćanja Sovjetskog Saveza i Jugoslavije kao velikoruske odnosno velikosrpske "tamnice" estonskoga i hrvatskog naroda. Iako službeno sjećanje u objema zemljama ističe europsko antifašističko nasljeđe, oklijevanje vlasti u odmicanju od ekskluzivističkih državotvornih politika povijesti potiče pozitivnu interpretaciju estonskoga i hrvatskog fašizma. Autori zaključno prikazuju razlike među dvjema zemljama te upućuju na pogubnost aktualnih europskih politika spram totalitarizma kao obrasca suočavanja s Drugim svjetskim ratom, a koje Estoniju i Hrvatsku još više udaljuju od suočavanja s prošlošću. ; This article offers a comparison of the politics of history of WWII in Estonia and in Croatia after their independence. Following an introduction demonstrating how Estonian and Croatian national integrative processes were predominantly marked by their "pursuit" of independency, the main thesis is exposed – that the revisionist memory of Estonian and Croatian Axis fighters as "fighters for the nation and the state" has survived primarily due to the exclusivist understanding of the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia as the Greater-Russian or Greater-Serbian "dungeons" of Estonian and Croatian people, respectively. Although the official historical memory in both countries highlights the European anti-fascist heritage, the authorities' reluctance to move away from the exclusive statehood politics of history serves to promote a positive interpretation of Estonian and Croatian fascism. The authors in conclusion depict the differences between the two countries and warn of the fatal consequences of the current European policies towards totalitarianism as a pattern for dealing with World War II, which are pushing Estonia and Croatia further away from facing the past.

The author reminds us that only after the Second Vatican Council did Catholicism change its reserved stance regarding contemporary politics & economy by starting to advocate a more positive political involvement of Catholic laity. However, it can be said that the political activism of Catholics confined to Christian-Democratic parties came to grief. This has been not solely the consequence of the ethical decadence of Christian Democratic politicians but also of increased secularization, which calls for a variety of forms of political activism on the part of Christians. Regarding the structuring of economy, the author goes along with the widespread belief in the superiority of capitalism over a totalitarian communist economy. At the same time, however, Christianity cannot accept "rampant capitalism" nor accept profit as the sole measure of good economic management, but must voice its views for social & humanistic correctives. Adapted from the source document.

U članku se obrađuje problem europeizacije, jedan od ključnih pojmova koji se razvio unutar europskih studija u posljednjih desetak godina, od trenutka usvajanja i stupanja na snagu Maastrichtskog ugovora. U prvom dijelu obrađuju se različiti modeli europeizacije u širem kontekstu nego što je to konceptualni okvir Europske unije, u kojem se i javlja fenomen europeizacije. Stoga se pokušava izgraditi tipologija širih pristupa određivanju fenomena i procesa europeizacije, koja obuhvaća šest poimanja europeizacije: prvi je pristup geografsko-politički, gdje se pod europeizacijom poimlju promjene u vanjskim granicama Europe, od redukcijskoga svođenja Europe na zemlje Zapadne i Srednje Europe, do proširenja pojma Europe rubnim državama; drugo je poimanje europeizacije povezano s razvojem političkih institucija na europskoj razini. Treća defi nicija identifi cira europeizaciju kao izvoz oblika političke organizacije, koji polazi od iskustva europske kolonizacije, a danas se modifi cirao u širenje europskih vrijednosti snagom primjera na druge kontinente; četvrti je model europeizacije poistovjećivanje s projektom europskog ujedinjenja, s procesom integracije koji završava u federalnoj, ujedinjenoj Europi; peta je varijanta penetracija europskog modela višerazinske vladavine u nacionalne sustave vladavine, a očituje se u adaptaciji, konvergenciji i harmonizaciji političkih i pravnih sustava država članica. Autor toj klasičnoj tipologiji dodaje i šestu, koju naziva retrospektivnom europeizacijom, a koja podrazumijeva europeizaciju kao identifi kaciju s tradicionalnim europskim vrijednostima prije nastanka EZ-a i EU-a, prvenstveno s tradicijskim, kulturnim i vjerskim identitetom iz predintegracijskog razdoblja. U drugom dijelu obrađuju se razne defi nicije europeizacije koje su proizišle iz empirijskih istraživanja, a autor i tu izdvaja pet vrsta definicija koje se međutim ne isključuju, nego plastično ukazuju na složenost fenomena. Na kraju se nudi model istraživanja koji bi u hrvatskom slučaju ispitao validnost pojma ...

The Christian (Catholic) tradition has taken deep roots in Croatia. The new political structure has enabled the revival of the Catholic tradition not only at the level of human rights & freedoms but at the level of political activism as well (Christian-democratic parties). Christian values, important for the economic, political, cultural, & moral life, which have been advocated by the Catholic Church in its social teachings, are no longer marginalized in Croatia. On the other hand, liberal values of democratic capitalism of the West have also significantly increased its sway over Croatian economy & politics. Although the recent history of the relation between liberalism & Christianity does not give evidence of their mutual respect regarding freedom & democracy (but of a critical distance, rather), the reality of democratic capitalism (US, for example) points to the necessity of establishing new relations. Croatia is a suitable space in which the relationship between the liberal & the Catholic values may change from the critical to the constructive distance. 18 References. Adapted from the source document.

The Christian (Catholic) tradition has taken deep roots in Croatia. The new political structure has enabled the revival of the Catholic tradition not only at the level of human rights & freedoms but at the level of political activism as well (Christian-democratic parties). Christian values, important for the economic, political, cultural, & moral life, which have been advocated by the Catholic Church in its social teachings, are no longer marginalized in Croatia. On the other hand, liberal values of democratic capitalism of the West have also significantly increased its sway over Croatian economy & politics. Although the recent history of the relation between liberalism & Christianity does not give evidence of their mutual respect regarding freedom & democracy (but of a critical distance, rather), the reality of democratic capitalism (US, for example) points to the necessity of establishing new relations. Croatia is a suitable space in which the relationship between the liberal & the Catholic values may change from the critical to the constructive distance. 18 References. Adapted from the source document.

U ovom članku razmatra se odnos između umnog mišljenja i umnog djelovanja, filozofije i politike, u perspektivi u kojoj se taj odnos, ako je pravilno shvaćen, pokazuje kao odlučujući i za proces repolitizacije koji se, kako izgleda, nameće kao neodložna obaveza našeg vremena. Nastoji se pokazati da je starogrčko iskustvo razumijevanja filozofije i politike, transformirano u moderni na određen način, mjerodavno i za suvremenu emancipaciju na- šeg umnog života. A u tom sklopu umnog života, pokazuje se da mišljenje uvijek predstavlja i jedan politički čin, a politika, sa svoje strane, uvijek iznosi (i) specifično mišljenje. ; This paper discusses the relationship between rational thought and rational action, between philosophy and politics, in a perspective in which this relationship, if properly understood, turns out to be decisive for the repoliticisation process that seems to impose itself as an urgent obligation of our time. It will be shown that the ancient Greek experience of understanding philosophy and politics, transformed in modernity in a certain way, is also relevant to the contemporary emancipation of our rational life. And in this context of rational life, it is shown that thought is always a political act and politics, in turn, always presents specific thought.