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Er religion en privatsag? Op gennem det 20. århundrede har det været en klar opfattelse, at religion skal dyrkes inden for hjemmets fire vægge eller i kirkens hellige rum. Men faktum er, at vi konstant udstiller vores religiøse overbevisning ude i offentligheden. 'Religion i det offentlige rum' belyser gennem 13 bidrag, hvordan religion i allerhøjeste grad sætter en offentlig og politisk dagsorden i nutidens ellers så sekulariserede samfund. Religiøse ritualer bliver synlige for alle, når den pakistanske organisation Minhaj-ul-Quran holder fredsmarch for flere tusind deltagere med koranoplæsning og fællesbøn på Rådhuspladsen i København. Og når pinsegudstjenester rykker ud i det grønne, som det er blevet en tradition rundt om i landet. Bibelreferencer oplever vi i reklamer, når Philadelphia-smøreost sammenkædes med engle, og lampefirmaer markedsfører produkter under temaet 'Lad der blive lys'. Religion er også til diskussion, når for eksempel Immigrantmuseet og Københavns Bymuseum laver udstillinger om indvandring, og Folketinget og medierne sætter jævnligt tro til offentlig debat. Alligevel bekræfter vi ofte hinanden i, at religion er en privatsag, men som bogen viser, møder og forholder vi os til religion, hver gang vi bevæger os ud i det offentlige rum.

In recent years, the Swedish Armed Forces have produced and distributed highly edited video clips on YouTube that show moving images of military activity. Along- side this development, mobile phone apps have emerged as an important channel through which the user can experience and take an interactive part in the staging of contemporary armed conflict. This article examines the way in which the aes- thetic and affective experience of Swedish defence and security policy is socially and (media-)culturally (co-)constructed and how the official representation of Swedish military intervention (re)produces political and economic effects when these activi- ties are distributed through traditional and social media such as YouTube and digital apps. Based on Isabela and Norman Fairclough's thoughts on political discourse, Michel Foucault's dialectic idea of power/knowledge, and Sara Ahmed's concept of the affective, I discuss how the Swedish digital military aesthetic is part of a broader political and economic practice that has consequences beyond the digital, the semi- otic, and what might at first glance appear to be pure entertainment. ; In recent years, the Swedish Armed Forces have produced and distributed highly edited video clips on YouTube that show moving images of military activity. Alongside this development, mobile phone apps have emerged as an important channel through which the user can experience and take an interactive part in the staging of contemporary armed conflict. This article examines the way in which the aesthetic and affective experience of Swedish defence and security policy is socially and (media-)culturally (co-)constructed and how the official representation of Swedish military intervention (re)produces political and economic effects when these activities are distributed through traditional and social media such as YouTube and digital apps. Based on Isabela and Norman Fairclough's thoughts on political discourse, Michel Foucault's dialectic idea of power/knowledge, and Sara Ahmed's concept of the affective, I discuss how the Swedish digital military aesthetic is part of a broader political and economic practice which has consequences beyond the digital, the semiotic and what might at first glance appear to be pure entertainment.

Icelandic politics are analysed from the perspectives of three normative models of democracy: the liberal, republican and deliberative democratic theories. While the Icelandic constitution is rooted in classical liberal ideas, Icelandic politics can be harshly criticized from a liberal perspective, primarily because of the unclear separation of powers of government and for the extensive involvement of politics in other social sectors. Despite strong nationalist discourse which reflects republican characteristics, rooted in the struggle for independence from Denmark, republicanism has been marginal in Icelandic politics. In the years before the financial collapse, Icelandic society underwent a process of liberalization in which power shifted to the financial sector without disentangling the close ties that had prevailed between business and politics. The special commission set up by the Icelandic Parliament to investigate the causes of the financial collapse criticized Icelandic politics and governance for its flawed working practices and lack of professionalism. The appropriate lessons to draw from this criticism are to strengthen democratic practices and institutions. In the spirit of republicanism, however, the dominant discourse about Icelandic democracy after the financial collapse has been on increasing direct, vote-centric participation in opposition to the system of formal politics. While this development is understandable in light of the loss of trust in political institutions in the wake of the financial collapse, it has not contributed to trustworthy practices. In order to improve Icelandic politics, the analysis in this paper shows, it is important to work more in the spirit of deliberative democratic theory ; Peer Reviewed