Suchergebnisse

Student unrest of 1956 in Soviet universities is examined based on the example of the Ural State University and the Ural Polytechnic Institute in Sverdlovsk. Student attitudes are analyzed in terms of social and critical thinking, and the reaction of authorities — in light of the policy towards the intelligentsia. The theoretical and methodological frame of analysis is constructivism, with emphasis put on aspects of bilateral, reciprocal design and temporality. The empirical base consists of documents from the collections of the Documentation Centre of the Social Institutions of Sverdlovsk Region, the University Museum, as well as materials from local and national press. The mid 1950's were marked by a radical revision of the limits of acceptable criticism, which was unfolding until the end of 1956. Unorthodox activity was not regarded as seditious up until a point. The gap, interval between the original action and the resulting stigmatizing mark shows how such a notion crystallized. At some point it seemed as if you could criticize everyone and everything. It is shown that the most crucial effect was produced not by the theme of student statements but rather by a mismatch in the magnitude of the subjects and objects of public criticism. The position of authorities was to depoliticize student activity, while using such a relatively new course as pathologizing objectification: the younger generation was treated as a bearer of specific problems requiring special attention. "Labor education" with emphasis on hard physical labor was used as the universal lifesaver. Sundays at construction sites, hedgehog-fit visits to farms, as well as sending expelled students to factories inform the phenomenon of organic intellectuals "on the contrary" (in the words of A. Gramsci and N. Savelyeva). At the same time, the pragmatic benefits of resolving to admit to universities only those who had sufficient work experience was not reduced to disposing of students' "unhealthy moods", but rather "postponement" of higher education was to attract the youngsters to the virgin lands and construction sites. Students themselves insisted on the political connotations of their actions. The desire of the young generation to "catch the winds of history in their sails" was gradually accumulated in the concept of romance, which had yet to displace the patriotism and heroism that prevailed within the ideological orientations and the official rhetoric of the 50's. © 2020, Federal Center of Theoretical and Applied Sociology of the Russian Academy of Sciences. All rights reserved.

в представленной статье исследуется значение критериев национальной безопасности в культуре общества. Авторами описывается структурное содержание мировой политики в современной культуре научного познания. ; in the article the value of criteria of national security in culture of society is investigated. The authors describe the structural maintenance of world politics in modern culture of scientific knowledge.

The article aims to discuss the role of social sciences and, in particular, history in the memory discourse and the politics of the country. The article is comprised of 6 chapters: First World War, Second World War and the Holocaust, Civil Wars, Decolonization and class, race and gender in deindustrialization, each of them discussing a specific memory agenda and the role of historians in formulating it. By using the case study method and methods of historical analysis, authors draw conclusions on how countries with different culture and roles in international events cope with existing historical perspective and alter them for their policy goals. The authors also mention the change in the memory science itself, stating that, with the transition from the 20th century to 21, the memory politics changed focus from studying national history to studying relations between them or even transnational memory phenomena. All in all, the authors conclude, that the role of historians increased during the last century as they became one of the most influential actors among many who influence the social discourse and collective memory.For citation: Berger, S. (2020). Ideas in History, Philosophy and Religion: the Historical Sciences and Memory Activism in the Twentieth-Century. Tempus et Memoria, 1, 1–2, 8–24.Submitted: 30.10.2020Accepted: 02.12.2020 ; DOI 10.15826/tetm.2020.1-2.001Цель статьи — обсудить роль общественных наук, в частности истории, в дискурсе памяти и государственной политике. Статья состоит из 6 глав: Первая мировая война, Вторая мировая война и Холокост, гражданские войны, деколонизация и класс, раса и гендер в условиях деиндустриализации, каждая из которых обсуждает конкретную мемориальную повестку и роль историков в ее формулировании. Используя метод кейс-стади, автор делает вывод о том, как страны с различной культурой и позицией в международных отношениях справляются с существующей исторической перспективой и изменяют их для своих политических целей. Автор также упоминает об изменении самой науки о памяти, заявляя, что с переходом от XX века к веку XXI политика памяти изменила фокус с изучения национальной истории на изучение отношений между государствами или даже на анализ транснациональных мемориальных явлений. В целом, заключает автор, роль историков в прошлом веке возросла, поскольку они стали одним из самых влиятельных социальных акторов, влияющих на коллективный дискурс памяти.Для цитирования: Бергер Ш. Идеи в истории, философии и религии: исторические науки и активизация памяти в XX веке // Tempus et Memoria. 2020. Т. 1. № 1–2. С. 8–24.Поступила в редакцию: 30.10.2020Принята к печати: 02.12.2020

Recent government decisions to expand English language instruction in Algerian schools, though seemingly educational in nature, are only the latest developments in a longstanding national dispute.

The article discusses the possible transformation of the geopolitical situation in the Francophone countries of Tropical Africa in the context of the coronavirus pandemic, based on the information published in the French media. And also, the analytical report, sent by experts of the Paris Center for Analysis, Forecasting and Strategy (CAPS), to the President and the French Foreign Ministry was used. The article contains a list of the main epidemiological, social, humanitarian, and political threats that will destabilize the situation on the Black Continent, as well asmade a prediction attempt of the dynamics of international relations in the post-coronavirus period. The aim of this study is to find out how the balance of forces of traditional and relatively new actors in international relations has been changed in the countries of Tropical Africa in the period of present observation. Particular attention is paid to the initiatives of the Champs Elysees, designed to preserve the traditional political, economic, and military dominance of the Fifth Republic in African countries, the territories of which were part of the French colonial empire. Emanuel Macron's proposals regarding forgiveness of external debts and economic assistance to African countries are analyzed. It is concluded that the initiatives of the President of France cannot be implemented in political practice and are aimed only at countering the growth of anti-French mood in the Sahel. A political analysis of the situation comes to the conclusion that, as a result of the economic and political upheaval caused by the coronavirus pandemic, it is very likely that the interests of France will be supplanted from Tropical Africa by China and, in part, by Russia.

Student unrest of 1956 in Soviet universities is examined based on the example of the Ural State University and the Ural Polytechnic Institute in Sverdlovsk. Student attitudes are analyzed in terms of social and critical thinking, and the reaction of authorities — in light of the policy towards the intelligentsia. The theoretical and methodological frame of analysis is constructivism, with emphasis put on aspects of bilateral, reciprocal design and temporality. The empirical base consists of documents from the collections of the Documentation Centre of the Social Institutions of Sverdlovsk Region, the University Museum, as well as materials from local and national press. The mid 1950's were marked by a radical revision of the limits of acceptable criticism, which was unfolding until the end of 1956. Unorthodox activity was not regarded as seditious up until a point. The gap, interval between the original action and the resulting stigmatizing mark shows how such a notion crystallized. At some point it seemed as if you could criticize everyone and everything. It is shown that the most crucial effect was produced not by the theme of student statements but rather by a mismatch in the magnitude of the subjects and objects of public criticism. The position of authorities was to depoliticize student activity, while using such a relatively new course as pathologizing objectification: the younger generation was treated as a bearer of specific problems requiring special attention. "Labor education" with emphasis on hard physical labor was used as the universal lifesaver. Sundays at construction sites, hedgehog-fit visits to farms, as well as sending expelled students to factories inform the phenomenon of organic intellectuals "on the contrary" (in the words of A. Gramsci and N. Savelyeva). At the same time, the pragmatic benefits of resolving to admit to universities only those who had sufficient work experience was not reduced to disposing of students' "unhealthy moods", but rather "postponement" of higher education was to attract the youngsters to the virgin lands and construction sites. Students themselves insisted on the political connotations of their actions. The desire of the young generation to "catch the winds of history in their sails" was gradually accumulated in the concept of romance, which had yet to displace the patriotism and heroism that prevailed within the ideological orientations and the official rhetoric of the 50's.

The article deals with the current topic of manipulation in politics. The author makes scientific analysis of this phenomenon and tells about identify hidden mechanisms of manipulation, classification of manipulation and study the impact of manipulation on the values and behavior of people. For the first time the manipulations of cause-and-effect relations are considered, including the well-known experiment "universe 25". These manipulations are aimed at influencing the values of a person and cause the belief in the impossibility of social transformations aimed at significantly improving the quality of life and social relations. The author is convinced that the study of manipulation by the scientific community, and further teaching the ability to resist manipulation will make the population less susceptible to political manipulation and more free in their political choice. The author believes that manipulation in politics is, on the one hand, a serious scientific problem, and, on the other hand, a topic of interest in politicized groups of social networks, as well as a frequent subject of popular science materials. Political manipulation affects the value worldview of people and their behavior, the problems of manipulation in politics is closely related to a larger range of other political problems. ; В статье рассматривается актуальная тема манипуляций в политике, указывается на необходимость научного анализа данного явления, необходимость выявления скрытых механизмов манипуляций, классификации манипуляций и исследования влияние манипуляций на ценностные установки и поведение людей. Впервые рассматриваются манипуляции причинно-следственными связями, в том числе именно так классифицируется известный эксперимент «Вселенная 25». Данные манипуляции имеют цель повлиять на ценностные установки человека и вызвать убеждение в невозможности социальных преобразований, направленных на существенное улучшение качества жизни и социальных отношений. Автор убеждён, что изучение манипуляций научным сообществом, и в дальнейшем преподавание умения противостоять манипуляциям сделают население менее поддатливым на политические манипуляции и более свободным в своём политическом выборе. Автор считает, что манипуляции в политике – это, с одной стороны, серьёзная научная проблема, а, с другой стороны, тема, вызывающая интерес в политизированных группах социальных сетей, а также частый предмет научно-популярных материалов. Политические манипуляции влияют на ценностные мировоззренческие установки людей и на их поведение, то с проблемами манипуляций в политике тесно связан больший круг других политических проблем.

The paper presents a comparative analysis of the political and economic situation that existed in the Asia and the Pacific region (APR). The author shows that the «new» policy of Washingt reproduces the former with small changes. The concept of relations between the United States and their partners and its impact on the position of Australia, as an ally of the United States, and on the APR as a whole, are studied. ; В работе представлен сравнительный анализ политической и экономической ситуации, существовавшей в Азиатско-Тихоокеанском регионе (ATP). Автор показывает, что «новая» политика Вашингтона воспроизводит прежнюю с небольшими изменениями. Исследуются концепция взаимоотношений США с партнерами и ее влияние на положение Австралии, как союзника США, и на АТР в целом.

The article studies the state of the research of the religious preconditions and consolidating factors of democracy. The analysis of the transformation of the social doctrine of the Catholic Church, the main reference points of the present day social doctrine and the place of democracy in this doctrine demonstrates that the church doctrine is not a dogma but a fluid discourse responding to the challenges of modernity. ; Статья содержит анализ современного состояния исследований религиозных предпосылок и факторов консолидации демократии. На примере анализа трансформации социальной доктрины католической церкви, основных положений современной социальной доктрины и места демократии в этой доктрине показано, что церковные доктрины не являются догмой, а представляют собой живой дискурс, отвечающий на вызовы современности.

Conflicts about the Past are no less characteristic of the United States than of European countries, although there they are more often referred to as a variant of culture wars. They are especially pronounced during periods of internal political crises, since the role of foreign policy in American discourse is almost negligible. Thus, memory of the World War II in the United States was used to unite the nation and did not, unlike in many European countries, become a basis for conflict with its neighbors. The article demonstrates how the two harshest conflicts over the Past in the last quarter century were connected with the crises, first of the Republican Party (the case of the Enola Gay exhibition in 1995), and then the Democratic Party (the case of the removal of Confederate monuments in 2017). The attack on the symbols of the Past after they ascribed to them negative meanings allows activists to mobilize supporters and overcome the ideological vacuum characteristic of a critical period. In other cases, both regarding the foreign policy "apologies for the USA" or the protests of the Italo-Americans after the authorities' rejection to commemorate Christopher Columbus, conflicts did not acquire national character. ; Конфликты по поводу прошлого характерны для Соединенных Штатов в неменьшей степени, чем для европейских стран, хотя там их чаще относят к разновидности «культурных войн». Они особенно ярко проявляются в периоды внутриполитических кризисов, поскольку роль внешней политики в американском дискурсе чрезвычайно мала. Так, память о Второй мировой войне в США использовалась исключительно для сплочения нации и не стала, в отличие от многих европейских стран, основанием для конфликта с соседями. В статье показано, как два крупнейших конфликта по поводу прошлого в последнюю четверть века связаны с кризисом сначала республиканской партии (случай выставки «Энола Гэй» в 1995 г.), а затем демократической партии (случай сноса памятников конфедератам в 2017 г.). Атака на символы прошлого, которым приписывается негативное значение, позволяет активистам мобилизовать сторонников и преодолеть идейный вакуум, характерный для кризисного момента. В других случаях по поводу как внешнеполитических «извинений за США», так и протестов италоамериканцев в связи с отказом от коммеморации Христофора Колумба, конфликт не приобретает общенационального характера.

International audience ; The educational and methodological manual is devoted to the main issues of modern world politics and international relations. In particular, the main trends in the development of world politics are analyzed through the prism of the main theories of international relations, such as: political realism, liberalism, neorealism and neoliberalism, as well as constructivism and feminism. Along with this, the manual introduces the regional and global developments in the post-Soviet space, Europe, the Middle East, as well as in the Asia-Pacific, Latin American and African regions. Special emphasis is placed on the geopolitical priorities of Armenia and the South Caucasus. The course ends with lectures on the technological developments of our time, their impact on international relations, as well as models for the formation of a strategy for a secure Future. ; Учебно-методическое пособие посвящено основным проблемам современной мировой политики и международных от-ношений. В частности, главные тенденции развития мировой политики анализируются сквозь призму основных теорий между-народных отношений – таких, как: политический реализм, либерализм, неореализм и неолиберализм, а также конструктивизм и феминизм. Наряду с этим, пособие знакомит с региональными и глобальными развитиями на постсоветском пространстве, Европе, Ближнем Востоке, а также в Азиатско-Тихоокеанском, Латиноамериканском и Африканском регионах. Особый акцент ставится на геополитические приоритеты Армении и Южного Кавказа. Курс завершается лекциями, посвященными технологическим развитиям современности, их влиянию на международные отношения, а также моделям формирования стратегии безопасного Будущего.

В статье анализируются эвфемизмы, распространенные в языке современной французской публицистики. Материалом исследования выступают современные французские газеты, ориентированные на широкую читательскую аудиторию. Проведен подробный анализ эвфемизмов, функционирующих в языке французской письменной прессы. В рамках тематической группы «Власть и политика» выявлены пять типов эвфемизмов, направленных на ослабление восприятия негативной информации с целью влияния на формирование оценок событий и управления общественным мнением читателей в адрес: 1) действий политических лидеров; 2) репрессивных методов, применяющихся властью для решения проблемных ситуаций; 3) действий, направленных непосредственно против политической власти; 4) взаимоотношений разных государств и их глав; 5) действий со стороны армии или полиции. Проанализированы эвфемизмы, объединенные группой «Власть и политика», с учетом способов их образования. Выявленные эвфемизмы в языке современной французской прессы представлены: устойчивыми словосочетаниями; идиомами, образованными на основе терминологической лексики; метафорическим и метонимическим переносом; олицетворением; эпитетами. Исследованная тематическая группа «Власть и политика» позволит дополнить уже имеющиеся знания в области изучения такого феномена, как эвфемизация речи, а также послужит основой для дальнейшего анализа эвфемизмов на материале языка современных французских письменных средств массовой информации.
The article analyzes the euphemisms widespread in the language of modern French journalism. The research material is French newspapers aimed at a wide readership. A detailed analysis of euphemisms functioning in the language of the French written media has been made. In the thematic group "Authorities and Politics" five types of euphemisms have been identified. They are aimed at weakening the perception of negative information in order to influence the assessment of events and control the public opinion of readers towards: 1) actions of political leaders; 2) repressive methods used by the authorities to solve problem situations; 3) actions directed against political authorities; 4) relations between different states and their heads; 5) actions by the army or the police. The analysis of euphemisms united by the group "Authorities and Politics" according to the method of their formation is carried out. The identified euphemisms in the language of the modern French journalism are represented by set phrases; idioms formed on the basis of terminology; metaphorical and metonymical transfer; personification; epithets. The studied thematic group "Authorities and Politics" will complement the existing knowledge in the field of studying such a phenomenon as euphemization of speech. It will be the basis for further analysis of euphemisms on the material of the language of modern French written media.

The article is devoted to historiography problems of state-religion societies relations in Russia (1940 - 1960) in emigrant and soviet scolarly works. The following questions are considered: scolarly works of emigrants (YMCA-Press), policy of Soviet government in the sphere of state-religion relations in soviet historiography. ; Статья посвящена историографии проблемы взаимоотношения государства и религиозных организаций в России (1940-е - 1960-е гг.) в трудах эмигрантских и советских исследователей. Рассмотрены следующие вопросы: труды эмигрантских историков (ИМКА-Пресс), политика советского государства в сфере государственно-конфессиональных отношений в советской историографии.

After the 2014 European Parliament elections the voices of Eurosceptic forces have become increasingly louder, with their activity beginning to have direct infl uence on the EU politics, which can be proved by the results of the 23rd June UK's EU referendum. Consequently, the interpretation of the term "Euroscepticism" and its typology is of a particular interest in the academic world. This article compares such varieties of Euroscepticism as "ideological" and "strategic". Basing on the defi nitions, given by N. Sitter, P. Kopecky and C. Mudde, the author analyses the policies of the United Kingdom Independence Party and the Italian "Five Star Movement". While both parties, calling for the withdrawal from the EU and the Eurozone respectively, and being members of the same European Parliament political group (Europe for Freedom and Direct Democracy) are considered anti-EU forces, Euroscepticism is not playing the same role in their policies. This can be explained by different historic attitude of the British and the Italians towards the European integration as well as different problems which the countries have to face being the EU members. Through examining the process of the parties' institutionalization, their structure, and analyzing their initial aims, election programs, party leaders' speeches and voting tactics in the European Parliament the author consistently proves that while in case of UKIP Euroscepticism is ideological and completely defi nes the party policy, in case of M5S it is purely strategic and aimed at attracting the electorate. ; После выборов в Европейский парламент 2014 года голоса евроскептических сил в ЕС звучат всё отчетливее, а их деятельность начинает напрямую влиять на политическую жизнь ЕС, что доказывают результаты проведенного 23 июня референдума о выходе Великобритании из ЕС. В этой связи толкование самого термина «евроскептицизм» и классификация его видов вызывает особый интерес в академических кругах. В данной статье сравниваются такие разновидности евроскептицизма как «идеологический» и «стратегический». Взяв за основу определения, приведенные в работах Н. Ситтера, П. Копецки и К. Мудде, автор анализирует деятельность британской Партии независимости Соединенного Королевства и итальянского «Движения пяти звезд». Несмотря на то, что обе политические партии, призывающие к выходу из ЕС и еврозоны соответственно и входящие в рамках Европейского парламента в одну фракцию – «Европа за свободу и прямую демократию», считаются настроенными против ЕС, евроскептицизм в их политике занимает далеко не одинаковое место. Это объясняется различиями как в историческом отношении к евроинтеграции британцев и итальянцев, так и в характере проблем, с которыми сталкивались страны, будучи членами ЕС. Посредством рассмотрения процесса становления партий, их структуры, анализа изначальных целей, содержания предвыборных программ, выступлений лидеров, а также тактики голосования в Европейском парламенте, автор последовательно доказывает, что в случае Партии независимости Соединенного Королевства евроскептицизм является идеологией, на основе которой выстраивается вся политика партии, а в случае «Движения пяти звезд» – лишь стратегией, направленной на привлечение электората.

The object of the research is the regional policy of the Republic of Armenia in the post-Soviet space in the XXI century. The subject of the research is the economic, strategic, foreign policy relations of the Republic of Armenia with the countries of the post-Soviet space, in particular with Russia. Armenia's relations with the countries of the Middle East region, the United States and the European Union and their influence on the regional policy of Armenia in the post-Soviet space The aim of the work is to examine the regional policy of the Republic of Armenia in the post-Soviet space. Analytical and comparative methods are used to analyze the problems under study. The analysis resulted in the identification of positive and negative trends in the development of the regional policy of Armenia, its economy and strategic position in the post-Soviet space. As well as identifying the dynamics in relations with Russia, the CIS countries, the countries of the West and the East. The scientific novelty lies in the study of the current state of the regional policy of Armenia after 2010 and its analysis.