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Regardless of the role religion plays in the world today, ie despite the significant deprivatization of faith in the sociocultural space & in politics, contemporary Czech sociology of religion is in rather poor shape. The author presents a number of factors to explain this, including the legacy of the communist regime, & low levels of church attendance in the Czech Republic, the latter having been erroneously interpreted as non-religiosity. But the author focuses mainly one other reason: the discordant legacy of Czech pre-communist sociology of religion & the neighboring field of social studies. Two different traditions of the subject are identified - the 'profane' sociology of religion, founded by T. G. Masaryk, & Catholic religious sociology. Although the former legacy declared itself non-religious & even anti-clerical, in the case of many of its followers this claim was only partially true. In the 1930s & 1940s, when they (especially Prague's sociological school, which formed a certain opposition to Masaryk) turned more toward Durkheimian attitudes, they emphasized, for example, their own religious experience as a necessary tool for understanding piety. On the other hand, Catholic religious sociology was closely related to church activism, policy, & contemporary social work, ie, strictly conservative & anti-modern. Its way of understanding modern society was discounted by the former group of scholars, though to at least some degree, the two legacies shared similar methodological approaches. Both certainly seem outdated today, but their theoretical & methodological discussions & their findings remain of importance. Consequently, a re-thinking of these legacies & their theoretical backgrounds is still significant for the sociology of religion today.

Bu çalışmada, "DP'nin Yükselme Devri" olarak adlandırılan 1950-54 dönemi din siyaseti incelenmektedir. Çalışmanın DP'nin tüm iktidar dönemini değil de, anılan dönemi ele alması, çalışmayı sınırlandırma kaygısından kaynaklanmaktadır. Böylece dar bir dönem ele alınarak, daha derinlemesine inceleme yapılması amaçlanmaktadır. İnceleme konusu olarak anılan dönemin seçilmesinin nedeni, çok partili siyasal yaşamla birlikte Türkiye'de din siyasetinde meydana gelen değişikliği anlama çabasıdır. Bu amaçla önce kısaca çok partili siyasal yaşama geçilmesiyle birlikte CHP'nin din siyasetinde meydana gelen değişikliklere değinilmekte; daha sonra DP'nin din siyaseti ele alınmaktadır. İnceleme yapılırken DP'nin anılan dönemde uygulamaya koyduğu düzenlemeler ayrıntılı bir biçimde irdelenmektedir. Bu özelliğinden dolayı çalışmanın bir vaka incelemesi (case study) olduğu söylenebilir. Sonuç olarak, tek parti dönemi din siyasetinin (militan laiklik), çok partili yaşama geçişle birlikte CHP ile değişmeye başladığı; DP'nin ise söz konusu din siyasetini daha ödüncü bir biçimde sürdürdüğü; ancak özünde CHP'nin din siyasetine bağlı kaldığı söylenebilir. ; This study exarnines the policies towards religion in the first four years of the Demoeratic Party's role between 1950 and 1954. This period will be considered both because of methodological reasons to do a detailed studyand because of the importance of the time period as the first years of the multiparty politics inTurkey. The paper attemts to analyze the changes in the parties' policies toward religion after the transition to multiparty politics. First, the policy of the Republican Peeple' s Party towards religion is analyzed in short and then the Demoeratic Party's policyand practices towards religion are studied in detai!. The Democratic Party' s practices in the issue area of religion are taken into account when evaiuating its policy towards religion. The study aims to be a case study. The changes in the one party regime's attitude towards religion had first been initiated by the ...

The application of the concepts of polity, politics & policy can serve as a useful tool for the analysis of the EU's regional policy. The aim of the article is to highlight several divergences that were recognized by applying the aforementioned concepts to a single policy. The main framework of the analysis is based on the partnership principle, which is closely linked to all three dimensions (ie, polity, politics, policy) of the regional policy of the EU. References. Adapted from the source document.

The statute of March 15, 2004, that banned religious symbols in the French schools & State high schools, was the last act of the Headscarf Affair which had been regularly returning to the limelight of the French political scene since 1989. The review of several recent sociological books devoted to the phenomena of islamization helps to buttress the main assumption of the article that the Affair is a symptom of a failing integration of the immigrants from the Muslim countries. These populations are disproportionately hit by social & economic marginalization while, at the same time, summoned to assimilate culturally. Dogmatic republicanism conceives of the assimilation as a necessary precondition for the political integration. In the situation of an increasing social exclusion, however, the push to assimilation adds a cultural offense to an economic injury & incites a contrary reaction: a proud self-assertion of the Muslim identity. The statute banning the headscarves only intensifies this vicious dynamic. The analyses in the reviewed books seem to lead to a different solution: a reasonable response would rather be to tolerate the expressions of religious distinctiveness while, at the same time, trying to integrate people of immigrant origins both economically & politically. This would require, however, a reconstruction of the French republicanism which -- at least in its dogmatic form -- does not distinguish between the cultural & political sides of integration. 9 References. Adapted from the source document.

Batı Trakya Yunanistan'ın Kuzey Doğusunda bulunmaktadır. Evros (Meriç) ile Nestos (Karasu) nehirleri arasında kalan 8578 kilometre karelik bir alanı kapsamaktadır. Lozan Barış Konferansında Türkiye ile Yunanistan arasında varılan bir antlaşma gereği iki ülke arasında zorunlu ahali mübadelesi yapılmıştır.Ancak İstanbul'un Rum nüfusu ile Batı Trakya'nın Türk nüfusu zorunlu mübadelenin dışında tutulmuş ve bulundukları ülkedeki devletin güvencesi altında dinsel azınlık konumunda bırakılmıştır. Söz konusu azınlıkların azınlık ve yurttaşlık hakları tanınmıştır.Bununla beraber Yunanistan kendi vatandaşı olan bu insanları hiçbir gerekçeye dayanmaksızın ulusal bütünlüğü tehdit olarak görmekte ve bu insanlara karşı uluslararası ve ikili antlaşmalarla belirlenen sorumluluğu yerine getirmediği gibi azınlık üzerinde baskı ve asimilasyon politikasını devlet denetiminde planlı,kararlı ve sürekli bir şekilde uygulamaktadır. Avrupa Birliği'nin temel dayanağına baktığımızda;hukukun üstünlüğü,insan hakları,demokrasi kavramını görmekteyiz.Yunanistan 1981 yılında Avrupa Birliği'ne tam üye olmuştur. 1990'ların ikinci yarısına kadar Batı Trakya Türk azınlığının durumunda herhangi bir değişiklik görülmemekte,1990'ların sonunda azınlık haklarında kısmen iyileştirmeler yapılmıştır. Ancak hassas ve hayati konularda herhangi bir değişikliğe rastlamak mümkün değildir. Avrupa Birliği azınlık hakları konusunda Yunanistan'ı bir çok defa uyarmış ve kınama kararları vermiştir.Ancak sorunların giderilebilmesi için Avrupa Birliği'nin daha etkİli yaptırımlar uygulaması gerekmektedir.Yunanistan kendi vatandaşı olan Batı Trakya Türkleri'nin ikili antlaşmalardan doğan haklarını iade etmeli ve kendi taraf olduğu uluslararası antlaşmaların gereklerini yerine getirmelidir. Ancak bu sayede Batı Trakya Türkleri'nin sorunlarının çözümü mümkün görünmektedir. ; West Thrace is located in the northeast of Greece,moreover,it comprises 8578 square kilometre open space between the rivers Evros (Meriç) and Nestos (Karasu).As a result of Lozan Peace Pact an obligatory exchange agreement had done betweenthe two countries,Turkey and Greece.However, Istanbul's Greek population and WestThrace's Turk population had been kept out of this obligatory exchange,furthermore,Turk's and Greek's in the country where they existed they left in the position of religion minorityunder the name of government assurance.Also,to the minorities above mentioned had givencitizenship and minority rights.Neverthless,Greece sees Turks,who they are his own citizens,as a threat to thenational integrity without based on at any justification,what is more,not only doesGreececarry out the responsibility which was mentioned by the bilateral agreements,but alsocarries out a permanent,determinend,designed policy plan under the governments control overto the minorities,for to assimilate and press them.When we look for the basic mainstay of European Community we are confrontedwith the concepts the superiority of laws and the democracy of human rights. Greecebecame an entire member to European Community in 1981.We hadn't seen any changes at thesituation of West Thrace Turk's minority until 1990's second half but in the and of 90's Greece had partially done improvements.In spite of this,it is not possible to come across toany changes in vital and sensible matters.European Community has warned Greece manytimes for the minority rights,moreover,Greece has been given many disapproval resolutions.However European Community have to apply more effective sanctions to remove theproblems.Greece should return the rights of the people who are his own citizens West ThraceTurks had arisened from the bilateral agreements,moreover,Greece should carry out thenecessities of the international agreements that are from his own side.As a result of this, WestThrace Turks problems solution is seen possible.