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A sociedade israelense constitui um exemplo interessante de religião da política, ou seja, um exemplo de como a dimensão política de uma sociedade pode adquirir um aspecto religioso próprio, assumindo um caráter de sacralidade. No início da experiência sionista acentua-se em Israel a religião do trabalho, a construção de um calendário cívico, a formação de uma nova identidade nacional. A partir da metade dos anos 1970, outros fatores prevalecem: a memória da Shoah, a construção de lugares do martírio nacional, o mito da resistência até o último homem. Chama-se a atenção, neste ensaio, para os percursos de uma sociedade civil que sente a necessidade de reescrever os contornos de sua identidade e remodelar a memória pública, pensando em si mesma como comunidade nacional. ; Israeli society constitutes an interesting example of the religion of politics, that is, an example of how the political dimension of a society may acquire a religious aspect of its own and assume a sacred character. In the beginning of the Zionist experience, the religion of labor, the construction of a civic calendar and of a new national identity gained importance. From the mid 1970's on, other factors have prevailed. They are: memories from the Ha-Shoah, the construction of national martyrdom sites, and the myth of resistance until the last man. In this essay, the tracks taken by a civil society that feels the necessity of redefining the contours of its identity and remodeling its public memory, considering itself a national community, are emphasized.

First of all, the article analyzes, in panorama, Spinoza's ontology. Secondly, it shows how, from the concepts present in the ontology, the author derives others, as man, desire, joy and sorrow, hope and fear, security and despair, action and passion. From the relationship between ontology, men and desire - as well as from the other affects -, are extracted, in brief considerations, some Spinoza ́s political thesis. In this argumentative movement, the hypothesis is that many Spinoza's political thesis a rise from its ontology and its conception of man as desire and potency variation. The concept of desire is analyzed in the light of the variation of potency and the theme of natural right, which in Spinoza is identical to potency. When the subject is the brief derivations to politics, some hobbesian thesis - related to the following subjects, namely, the multitude, the people, the representation, the natural right, the civil state, etc. - are brought to show, by contrast, the importance of Spinoza's innovations.

Religious issues permeate the whole Rawlsian work. The problem is to know how people with different religious understandings can come to overlapping consensus. The solution to the problem of how political legitimacy can be achieved, despite religious conflict, and how, between citizens of different faiths, political justification can be pursued without reference to religious conviction is related to the idea of ​​public reason.

In this article we intend undertake a reading of ancient judaism, or veterotestamentary, in some of its main aspects, in contrast to the Machiavellian view of the role of religion in the organization and expansion of the State. The first step of this enterprise will be given by exposing the founding and delineanting features of the ancient Jewish tradition, especially in the books that make up the so-called Old Testament, demonstranting the using of religion in the ordination and expansion of the State, as well as in the formation of the individual. In a second moment we will demonstrate how to create a new Jewish tradition, influenced and influential on the ancient Greek world, early in the Christian era which will be assimilated and explored in its mystical bias in Renaissance humanism. This Hellenistic Judaism tradition will be best known and assimilated in the European erudite circles of the Renaissance. Finally, we will try to demonstrate how the constitutive features of ancient Judaism, to the detriment of Hellenistic Judaism, can be read in the light of Machiavellian description of the role of religion in the organization and expansion of the State and the formation of the individual.

Neste artigo, o campo de estudos de currículo delineia-se por uma escrita biográfica e reflexiva com a qual o autor destaca movimentos de sua vida profissional a partir de registros escritos e lembranças.

From the ideas of Immanuel Kant and Hannah Arendt regarding Faculty of judgment, this article seeks to analyse the possible connections between our ability to judge the beautiful, and the way in which contemporary art articulate aesthetic values, moral and cognitive. To this end, presents some aspects of appropriation that Arendt makes aesthetic judgment of taste who thinks the beautiful as a political category, aimed at a possible Association of public manifestations of contemporary art to the political action of public character.

Nesse artigo vamos analisar a questão do medo, e o uso político do medo, comparando dois casos dessa utilização da estratégia do medo no discurso político da mídia televisiva, os quais foram efetuados em dois momentos diferentes, nas campanhas eleitorais das eleições presidenciais de 2002 e 2014. Além disso, busca-se relacionar o discurso do medo na mídia, às condições de incertezas, a busca do prazer, o consumo e o individualismo instauradas na pós-modernidade. A partir de uma análise crítica das condições sociais, pretende-se investigar como o medo, potencializado pela mídia, é capaz de produzir um efeito de alienação capaz de criar um discurso que acaba se repetindo mecanicamente, reproduzindo ações e ampliando conceitos artificiais introduzidos socialmente, produzindo, mesmo, a proliferação de preconceitos, discursos fáceis e estereotipados.

In 'Democracy against capitalism', Ellen Wood defends two important theses: capitalism inaugurates a new kind of exploitation and extortion of the working class that is not directly dependent on state extortion; this makes it possible for some political rights to be extended to a larger number of people through the establishment of "representative democracy". On the other hand, workers' political participation is limited: by identifying democracy with political representation, the ruling classes have created an illusion of popular political participation that is, in fact, extremely limited, or almost nil. In this article, we intend to show some of the main limits of representative democracy, and how this "democracy" atomizes citizens and keeps them away from effective political participation. For this, we will use other influential theorists such as Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Bernard Manin, Hanna Pitkin, Noam Chomsky.

This paper assesses empirically the way in which two Latin American upper chambers - the Argentine and Brazilian senates - made use of their confirmation prerogatives between 1989 and 2003: whether taking on a deferential posture towards executive proposals or a more active role, including both consultation and oversight. The article first analyses all nominations regarding outcome (confirmed, rejected, and withdrawn) and length of process. Then, the similarities and differences are used to advance some explanatory hypotheses. Special attention is paid to the impact of political factors, especially senates internal rules for the organization of the legislative work.

Leonardo Bruni (1370-1444), chancellor and historian, is the author of one of the main praises of the city of Florence of this period. In writing to Laudatio florentinae urbis (1403-1404), the humanist describes Florence and its government as a well-ordered, beautiful, wholesome, free and participatory city. The paper analyzes this text not only as a rhetorical piece, but highlights the republican ideals of freedom, self-government and citizenship. From an institutional point of view, Laudatio offers the foundations of mixed government, which would become a central aspect of Renaissance republicanism. From the ancients, Bruni removes the idea of the division of powers from the classic triad monarchy, aristocracy and democracy, with the separation of functions in each of these pure forms. Bruni points out that both aspects of antiquity can be found in the Florentine institutions of his time, in such a way that he observes in the historical fact the realization of an ancient political theory, complementing, therefore, the idealization of the city.

The original forms of social organisation show the close interdependence between political and religious systems. The religious pregnancy attributed to the phenomenon of nationality is part of that scenery of genealogical proximity between the political and the religious. The founding myths through which nationalities legitimize and consecrate themselves are just one of the various ways of conferring religious dimension to the national reality. Being a creation of modern times, the national spirit follows and spreads at the same time that the process of secularization of the already been designated. ; As formas originárias de organização social mostram a estreita interdependência entre sistemas políticos e sistemas religiosos. A pregnância religiosa atribuída ao fenómeno da nacionalidade insere-se nesse cenário de proximidade genealógica do político e do teológico. Os mitos fundadores com que as nacionalidades se legitimam e sacralizam são apenas uma das várias maneiras de conferir dimensão religiosa à realidade nacional. Sendo uma criação dos tempos modernos, o espírito nacional acompanha e difunde-se ao mesmo tempo que se intensifica o processo de secularização da sociedade ocidental. Assume, de modo paradoxal, o estatuto de "Deus da Modernidade" como já foi designado.