A sociedade israelense constitui um exemplo interessante de religião da política, ou seja, um exemplo de como a dimensão política de uma sociedade pode adquirir um aspecto religioso próprio, assumindo um caráter de sacralidade. No início da experiência sionista acentua-se em Israel a religião do trabalho, a construção de um calendário cívico, a formação de uma nova identidade nacional. A partir da metade dos anos 1970, outros fatores prevalecem: a memória da Shoah, a construção de lugares do martírio nacional, o mito da resistência até o último homem. Chama-se a atenção, neste ensaio, para os percursos de uma sociedade civil que sente a necessidade de reescrever os contornos de sua identidade e remodelar a memória pública, pensando em si mesma como comunidade nacional. ; Israeli society constitutes an interesting example of the religion of politics, that is, an example of how the political dimension of a society may acquire a religious aspect of its own and assume a sacred character. In the beginning of the Zionist experience, the religion of labor, the construction of a civic calendar and of a new national identity gained importance. From the mid 1970's on, other factors have prevailed. They are: memories from the Ha-Shoah, the construction of national martyrdom sites, and the myth of resistance until the last man. In this essay, the tracks taken by a civil society that feels the necessity of redefining the contours of its identity and remodeling its public memory, considering itself a national community, are emphasized.
The original forms of social organisation show the close interdependence between political and religious systems. The religious pregnancy attributed to the phenomenon of nationality is part of that scenery of genealogical proximity between the political and the religious. The founding myths through which nationalities legitimize and consecrate themselves are just one of the various ways of conferring religious dimension to the national reality. Being a creation of modern times, the national spirit follows and spreads at the same time that the process of secularization of the already been designated. ; As formas originárias de organização social mostram a estreita interdependência entre sistemas políticos e sistemas religiosos. A pregnância religiosa atribuída ao fenómeno da nacionalidade insere-se nesse cenário de proximidade genealógica do político e do teológico. Os mitos fundadores com que as nacionalidades se legitimam e sacralizam são apenas uma das várias maneiras de conferir dimensão religiosa à realidade nacional. Sendo uma criação dos tempos modernos, o espírito nacional acompanha e difunde-se ao mesmo tempo que se intensifica o processo de secularização da sociedade ocidental. Assume, de modo paradoxal, o estatuto de "Deus da Modernidade" como já foi designado.
The original forms of social organisation show the close interdependence between political and religious systems. The religious pregnancy attributed to the phenomenon of nationality is part of that scenery of genealogical proximity between the political and the religious. The founding myths through which nationalities legitimize and consecrate themselves are just one of the various ways of conferring religious dimension to the national reality. Being a creation of modern times, the national spirit follows and spreads at the same time that the process of secularization of the already been designated. ; As formas originárias de organização social mostram a estreita interdependência entre sistemas políticos e sistemas religiosos. A pregnância religiosa atribuída ao fenómeno da nacionalidade insere-se nesse cenário de proximidade genealógica do político e do teológico. Os mitos fundadores com que as nacionalidades se legitimam e sacralizam são apenas uma das várias maneiras de conferir dimensão religiosa à realidade nacional. Sendo uma criação dos tempos modernos, o espírito nacional acompanha e difunde-se ao mesmo tempo que se intensifica o processo de secularização da sociedade ocidental. Assume, de modo paradoxal, o estatuto de "Deus da Modernidade" como já foi designado.
I propose in this work to show a possible connection between two anthropological images or ways of understanding humanity,along with the respective political implications of each. These two ways are "person" and "subject". I will also make use of Boethius' definition of person and assume that human political community is natural, at least in that even when the political does not constitute a natural dimension of human life but is solely contractual there is still there the disposition to make political contracts. ; Me propongo en este trabajo mostrar una posible conexión entre dos figuras antropológicas o modos de entender lo humano, con sus respectivas prolongaciones políticas. Esos dos modos son la "persona" y el "sujeto". Me serviré también de la definición boeciana de persona y asumo la politicidad humana como natural, una vez que mismo cuando el político no constituye una dimensión natural de la vida humana sino sólo contractual, hay la la disposición para hacer contratos políticos.
At the margins of modern medical practice, pushing the very limits of science, and indefatigably rendering the precincts of public discourse, still functional remnants of Christian civilization continue to provide care for the hopeless, perform healing sacraments for the incurable, and curate objects of votive devotion for the suffering and needy. These public services go largely unaccounted for, though they secure an ordered world, structure perception, and serve as ontological anchors. Lost in the vague, scientifically unrarified notions of spirituality that brace a general, undifferentiated worldwide metaphysical experience and disregard immense cultural, functional, geographic and performative distinctness, Catholic sacramental practices aimed at alleviating suffering and promoting healthy lifestyles are receiving only marginal mention in scientific literature(1), despite the fact that they make up daily reality in large parts of contemporary Europe and Latin America. Writing this editorial from the Northeast of Brazil, where traditional religious practice has sustained generations through the calamities of severe droughts, slavery, extreme poverty, high child mortality, failed political orders, and a harsh global economic reality, it is difficult to underestimate the power of sacramental experience to sustain a cultural identity. It was defined the concept of care of the sick in the context of the religious experience of the Northeast of Brazil which is historically relevant to health promotion. Until the emergence of national health care in the late nineteenth century, it was largely the order of the Franciscan friars that was charged with promoting healthy lives in the region. The Catholic concept of care that guided their efforts structures three procedural reality principles: the psychological reality of the transference to the person in one's charge (care/caritas), the performative practice of religious sacrament such as the anointment of the sick or ex-voto devotionals, and the physical object ...
The last elections in Brazil have shown a growing participation of evangelicals in the political scenario and a majority identification with right-wing governments. A representative mark of this behavior occurred in the expressive support given to the presidential election of Bolsonaro and in the occupation of several positions in the exercise of his government. The article presents the historical trajectory of evangelical behavior in the political sphere and also the factors that historically configure theimagery of this religious segment, guiding its approaches to the right. Priority is given to the conceptual notion of "imaginary", as used by the so-called new political history. As sources of analysis, in addition to bibliographic texts, audiovisual resources, social media and lyrics from the Brazilian evangelical universe are used.
O artigo discute, em um primeiro momento, questões relativas à configuração da política de Educação Especial no Brasil a partir dos anos 2000, destacando elementos que marcaram o processo de institucionalização da inclusão dos alunos, público alvo da educação especial na escola comum, bem como seus desafios atuais. Tendo como referência essas problematizações, busca-se, em um segundo momento, contextualizar os trabalhos que compõem esta Seção Temática. Partindo de abordagens teórico-metodológicas distintas, esses textos conservam em comum uma preocupação ética com os desdobramentos da Educação Especial para a sociedade e com a efetivação do princípio constitucional da educação como um direito de todos. ; The article discusses, at first, questions related to the configuration of the Special Education policy in Brazil from the 2000s, highlighting elements that marked the process of institutionalization of the inclusion of students, the target audience of special education in the common school, as well as challenges. With these problematizations as reference, it is sought, secondly, to contextualize the works that make up this Thematic Section. Based on different theoretical and methodological approaches, these texts share an ethical concern with the development of Special Education for society and with the implementation of the constitutional principle of education as a right of all.
O artigo oferece uma série de reflexões a respeito de uma fase dos trabalhos de Michel Foucault e de alguns de seus colaboradores apresentada no volume The Foucault effect: studies in governmentality (1991), coeditado pelo autor. Tais reflexões se organizam em três partes. Primeiro, há uma revisão de alguns aspectos das aulas de Foucault sobre governamentalidade que, por diferentes razões, foram deixados de lado quando o livro foi publicado. Em seguida, faz-se um balanço de temas importantes que, embora presentes no livro, não receberam suficiente atenção dos leitores. Finalmente, no eixo que ocupa a maior parte do artigo, examinam-se as últimas discussões de Foucault a respeito do que o autor denomina múltiplos nascimentos da política, a fim de demonstrar a continuidade da pertinência do empreendimento foucaultiano nos anos 1970, tornado possível devido à noção de governamentalidade, ao mesmo tempo tão estranha e operacional. Tal atualidade é indicada não somente pelo incremento dos estudos sobre governamentalidade após o aparecimento dos cursos que Foucault deu no Collège de France, mas principalmente pelos dilemas e aporias que a cultura política em que estamos mergulhados nos trouxe. Nesse sentido, o artigo se encerra com uma espécie de agenda de pesquisa para dar continuidade ao trabalho inacabado de Foucault, uma agenda que nos convida a aprofundar nossa compreensão das relações entre a filosofia crítica, a racionalidade política e a cultura política, compreendidas como um conjunto de formas de conduta e de sociabilidade, modos de vida e estilos de subjetivação e dizer verdadeiro. ; The article offers a series of reflections on the presentation of a phase of work by Michel Foucault and some of his co-researchers in the volume The Foucault Effect: studies in governmentality (1991), co-edited by the author. These reflections fall into three parts. First, there is a review of some important aspects of Foucault's 'governmentality' lectures that, due to different reasons, were left aside when the book was published. Second, there is the account of important themes that, although presented in the book, have not received so much consideration from the readers. And last, in the axis that occupies the greater part of the article, the author examines Foucault's later discussions of what Gordon calls "the multiple births of politics", in order to show the continuing pertinence of Michel Foucault's enterprise during the 1970s, made possible by this notion of governmentality, at once so strange and so operative. That this is an enterprise of continuing contemporary relevance is indicated not only by the spread of governmentality studies since the appearance of Michel Foucault's lectures at Collège de France, but specially by the dilemmas and "dead-ends" that our political culture has brought us to. In this sense, the article concludes with a sort of research agenda for continuing Foucault's unfinished investigation, one that invites us to deepen our understanding of the relationships between philosophical critique, governmental rationality and political culture, understood as a set of forms of conduct and sociability, modes of life, and styles of subject-formation and truth-telling.
