Suchergebnisse

Includes bibliographical references ; It appeared to me that the differences and a particular atmosphere I found in Irish writing were due to more than the syntax of Hyberno-English. I was curious and to investigate further I returned to university to add English literature as a major to an existing degree in Psychology, Anthropology, Linguistics and the relevant ancillaries. The literary approach to the few - mostly Anglo-Irish - writers on which single courses were offered left my questions mostly unanswered. My own research continue along historical and psycho-sociocultural lines. I believe this approach discovered what I sought.

In contrast to mainstream historiography, secularisation was not a distinct process in nineteenth-century Europe, since the century was a period of religious revival. In the late nineteenth century, in spite of weakening church attendance and rising agnosticism brought on by urbanisation and migration, religion remained attractive for the middle class and social movements related to church membership emerged in politics. In this chapter the diversity of religion in Europe is treated. The author distinguishes between hierarchical and nonhierarchical types of Christian churches, and between four religious regions in Europe. This situation had effects on the relationship between state and religion.

In addressing the topic assigned to me -- "Interreligious Dialogue, the Environment, and Power" -- I have decided to focus on the first and the last elements: Dialogue and Power. More precisely, I would like to reflect on how the question of "power" can serve as the mediating link between religion and dialogue. Many people, especially academicians, would regard such a proposal with great suspicion, if not downright opposition. For them, the vital relationship between religion and power is the problem. Precisely because religion is such a powerful force in the lives of people, precisely because the powerful can make such exploitative and violent use of religion -- precisely for such reasons many voices today are calling for a moratorium on interreligious dialogue; or they are calling for the exclusion of religion from all political or intercultural discussions. I want to take these reservations or objections as seriously as I can. I begin, therefore with some questions.

Since the onset of democracy in 1975, both total fertility and Mass attendance rates in Spain have dropped dramatically. I use the 1985 and 1999 Spanish Fertility Surveys to study whether the significance of religion in fertility behavior – both in family size and in the spacing of births – has changed. While in the 1985 SFS family size was similar among practicing and non-practicing Catholics, practicing Catholics portray significantly higher fertility during recent years. In the context of lower church participation, religiosity has acquired a more relevant meaning for demographic behavior. Among the youngest generation, non-practicing Catholics behave as those without affiliation. The small group of Protestants and Muslims has the highest fertility and interfaith unions are less fertile.

In the rubble following the collapse of the World Trade Center towers in the violent assault of September 11 lies the tawdry remnants of religion's innocence. In those brief horrifying moments our images of religion came of age. Religion was found in bed with terrorism. Whatever bucolic and tranquil notions we may have had were rudely replaced by those that were tough, political, and sometimes violent. Is this the fault of religion? Has its mask been ripped off and its murky side exposed—or has its innocence been abused? Is religion the problem or the victim?

International audience ; Among the consequences of and the subsequent breakup of the Soviet Union in 1991 has been the rise of ethnic nationalism. In the non-Russian parts of the former USSR this process has been accompanied by the reactivation of clan and other primordial social networks which under Soviet Communism had been in abeyance. This article, based on extensive field research material, examines political and social transformation in post-Communist Kabardino-Balkariya, a Russian Muslim autonomy in the North Caucasus. In particular, it analyses the nature of the nation-building policies of the ruling regime, and its relationship with the clan system. It is also concerned with Islamic revival and Islamic radicalism in the region and their correlation with the Islam-related republican and wider federal policies. The article reveals some grey areas in the current academic debate on ethnicity and nationalism and injects more conceptual syncretism into the study of post-Communist societies.

In diesem Kapitel soll versucht werden, Grotius als politischen Philosophen im wahrsten Sinne des Wortes zu betrachten. Sein Beitrag zur politischen Theologie und religiösen Politik wird hier nachgezeichnet, da Grotius die großen, doch noch immer kaum erkennbaren Fragen des 17. Jahrhunderts ansprach. Dabei stellen wir ihn gleichberechtigt neben andere große politische Philosophen des 17. Jahrhunderts, wie vor allem Hobbes, Spinoza, Pufen-dorf und Locke.

Review: The relation between religion and ecology has become a big subject nowadays, but this extremely mature work represents the well-considered gist of studies which have taken place over many years. The author combines the training of a natural scientist with experience of socially engaged work with the World Council of Churches and, thirdly, a trained perspective in the comparative study of religions which has been enriched by social-scientific field study in Thailand and frequent interactions with Southeast Asia, India and adjacent countries such as Ladakh and Bhutan. All of this comes together in an immensely readable book, full of factual information and anecdotal illustration. There is even an appendix on medicinal plants identified in Thailand and an another with an impressively long list of Indian NGO's concerned with environmental questions. Much care is taken to make sure that those unsure of particular political developments in particularly relevant periods or of basic reference points in the major religous traditions considered, Hinduism and Buddhism, are not left floundering. This is an extremely useful and manageable textbook for use in a wide variety of university and college courses. Yet it is so much more than a textbook. The work is based throughout on factual material which is not otherwise easily accessible, though more may be found in David Gosling's own publications as listed in the bibliography.

With nearly one in ten residents of advanced industrialized states now an immigrant, international migration has become a fundamental driver of social, economic, and political change. We review alternative models of migratory behavior (which emphasize structural factors largely beyond states' control) as well as models of immigration policy making that seek to explain the gaps between stated policy and actual outcomes. Some scholars attempt to explain the limited efficacy of control policies by focusing on domestic interest groups, political institutions, and the interaction among them; others approach the issue from an international or "intermestic" perspective. Despite the modest effects of control measures on unauthorized flows of economic migrants and asylum seekers, governments continue to determine the proportion of migrants who enjoy legal status, the specific membership rights associated with different legal (and undocumented) migrant classes, and how policies are implemented. These choices have important implications for how the costs and benefits of migration are distributed among different groups of migrants, native-born workers, employers, consumers, and taxpayers.

Using a political economy perspective, this paper establishes the strong relationship between rice and politics and explains recent developments in the Philippine rice landscape. Results of the analysis show that the price of rice has been a significant determinant in election results since the 1950s, with the exception of 1998, where despite stable prices, the candidate from the incumbent administration failed to win the presidential elections. In addition, reliance by the Philippine government primarily on price instruments to achieve its rice objectives and to protect farmer and consumer interests has not resulted in any substantial improvements in rice production. In fact, the shift to rice protection since the 1980s has failed to stabilize domestic rice prices and has effectively penalized the poorer households. This has been traced largely to the failure of the National Food Authority to provide timely, accurate, and appropriate intervention in the country's rice market. If the Philippines is to achieve sustained, stable rice supply at low prices and at the same time promote rice consumer and producer welfare, the adoption of a private-focused, market-based regulatory regime without a rice trading parastatal (but with rice emergency reserves, not for price stabilization) remains as a long-term objective.

This paper examines why the press has failed to adequately understand and report on the role of religion in American politics. The author argues that certain shortcomings and limitations of the press- including its short attention span and its emphasis on immediacy - often undermine the press's ability to see the broader picture and to recognize that something happening now connects to something that happened before. In order to identify and explain the impact of religious and moral values on our national politics and policy-making, journalists need to better understand the faith-based center of the country and how religion informs the day-to-day political attitudes and behavior of citizens and readers. The paper analyzes why the press has been unable to get its arms around moral and religious centrism.

This paper explores the reasons why Cheondogyo is lionized in contemporary nationalist discourse, when it has such a small following in South Korea today. I argue that Cheondogyo's continuing presence in nationalist and tourist publications can be readily comprehended in light of its connection with the Donghak Revolution of 1894. In the post-colonial era, Donghak/Cheondogyo was embraced by both the North and South Korean states, each seeking to claim a connection with the movement in order to legitimize their respective political goals. More recently, this legacy has also been claimed by the minjung movement as evidence of an incipient minjung consciousness. These political appropriations have ensured that Cheondogyo maintains a level of legitimacy denied to other new religions of Korea. However, the political acceptance of Donghak/Cheondogyo has come at the expense of its religious legitimacy. Thus, while its connection with the Donghak Revolution may have "made" Cheondogyo into a key historical artifact, it has simultaneously been "unmade" as a religious movement with any real relevance to the present. ; Anthropology, Department of ; Arts, Faculty of ; Reviewed ; Faculty

Expositive ; Community College, Higher Education ; http://www.ogtp-cart.com/product.aspx?ISBN=9781616101084 ; Narrative text, Textbook ; http://florida.theorangegrove.org/og/file/8d29a37b-10ae-a045-5769-ee79b139dcb3/1/Bunzl,9781616101084.pdf

Expositive ; Community College, Higher Education ; http://www.ogtp-cart.com/product.aspx?ISBN=9781616101084 ; Narrative text, Textbook ; http://florida.theorangegrove.org/og/file/8d29a37b-10ae-a045-5769-ee79b139dcb3/1/Bunzl,9781616101084.pdf

Wen Tiejun, the School of Agriculture and Rural Development at Renmin University, talked about economic and agricultural policies in China. The accompanying audio file provides the complete recording and audience discussion of the talk given by the author. Those who download the audio file must have their own software for playing and listening.