Suchergebnisse

U prvoj polovini 19- stoljeća dolazi do povijesnih i političkih previranja u Europi: pojava panslavizma, revolucija 1948., koja je trebala rušenjem Austrougarske Monarhije uspostaviti temelje demokraciji (u kojoj se hrvatski ban Jelačić stavio na stranu Beča), te intenzivan interes kulturne Europe za zaostali srpski narod pod turskom vlašću. I pored kontroverzne uloge J. Kopitara i Vuka Karadžića, Hrvati prihvaćaju Književni dogovor 1850. g. sa Srbima, koji već u ono vrijeme, očevidno uz pomoć politike i lingvistike, osporavaju Hrvatima identitet. ; In the first half of the 19th century Europe saw some historical and political changes like Pan-Slavism and the Revolution of 1848, which was to build up democratic fundaments through the abolition of the Austro Hungarian Empire (with the Croartian Banus Jelačić on the Viennese side). Europe's cultural interest in Serbia increased. The Serbs were under Turkish dominance and thus restricted in their development. In 1850, despite controversial roles of J. Kopitar and Vuk Karadžić, the Croats agreed to a literary arrangement with the Serbs, who had already at that time obviously disputed the Croatian identity by means of politics and linguistics.

The author gives a critical review of the perception of comparative politics in the programs of the Faculty of Political Science. The perception is based on the assumption that comparative politics is a subdiscipline of international politics. Contrary to this, the author claims that (1) comparative politics is not a subdiscipline of international politics but a separate discipline of political science in its own right that has gained academic legitimacy together with political theory & international & national politics; (2) both international & national politics can be the subject of comparative research; & (3) the methodology of research, not the subject matter, is essential for the definition of comparative politics. These premises are drawn from an outline of the theoretical & methodological evolution of this discipline & the account of its current state. The author uses these to highlight the academic & organizational problems of comparative politics in Croatia. 47 References. Adapted from the source document.

The critical function of the Church & theology throws some light on the general nature & place of criticism in human relations, & particularly on the role of opposition in politics. From the standpoint of the Church & theology the role of opposition is not untoward in itself, it is a positive component of political life in democracy. The article lists a number of major civilizational problems that require the useful & necessary criticism by the Church & theology. It is also the opposition's duty to use their political clout to make key political protagonists pay due attention to the Church & theology & in this way enable them to fulfill their positive social role. The opposition's activities should be founded on truth, justice, & the exclusion of hatred & even love (utopia?). Adapted from the source document.

The author emphasizes the necessity of linking thought & action in order to avoid the dangers of calamitous abstractions of sheer philosophy & sheer politics. Only a tension between philosophy & politics can be fruitful both for philosophy & politics. Jaspers's political writings, the author thinks, are not an appendage of philosophy but its component part. Philosophy is political in itself because it exists & functions solely in freedom. Nevertheless, Jaspers is not an acolyte of Plato's thesis about rulers-philosophers but of Kant's demand that philosophers have the right to speak in public. A man as a man is not only a political but also a philosophical being whose freedom depends on the encounter of philosophy & politics. This does not mean to neglect the fact that philosophers & politicians are faced with a different set of tasks. Adapted from the source document.