Suchergebnisse

Chan Chi Yuen. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2005. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 246-265). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Acknowledgements --- p.i ; Table of Contents --- p.iii ; Abstract --- p.vii ; Chapter Chapter 1: --- Politics of Political Accountability in Hong Kong 一 The Research Puzzle and Questions --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.1 --- "Research Puzzle: Different Conception of ""Political Accountability""?" --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.2 --- Research Questions and Design --- p.4 ; Chapter 1.3 --- Significance of the Study --- p.6 ; Chapter Chapter 2: --- The Concept of Accountability - the Normative and Theoretical Issues --- p.8 ; Chapter 2.1 --- Accountability - Ideals and Actualities --- p.8 ; Chapter 2.2 --- Why Political Accountability? The Ideal of Rendering Account --- p.10 ; Chapter 2.2.1 --- The need of limited government --- p.10 ; Chapter 2.2.2 --- Concept of Accountability - a Kind of Political Control --- p.15 ; Chapter 2.2.3 --- "Rendering Account - Information, Reason and Sanctions" --- p.16 ; Chapter 2.3 --- Representation and Accountable Government: a Comparative Approach --- p.20 ; Chapter 2.4 --- The Desirability of Accountability - the Tactful Balance --- p.25 ; Chapter 2.5 --- The Limitation of Accountability - Informational Barrier --- p.34 ; Chapter Chapter 3: --- The Concept of Accountability 一 the Organizational Issues --- p.37 ; Chapter 3.1 --- Structural Components of Accountability --- p.37 ; Chapter 3.2 --- The Formal Organizational Components of Democratic Accountability --- p.40 ; Chapter 3.3 --- Vertical and Horizontal Accountability --- p.43 ; Chapter 3.4 --- Typology of Accountability --- p.46 ; Chapter 3.4.1 --- Classical dichotomy of political and administrative accountability --- p.46 ; Chapter 3.4.2 --- Political Accountability ´ؤ Vertical Accountability Agents --- p.49 ; Chapter 3.4.2.1 --- Elections/ Electoral sanctions --- p.51 ; Chapter 3.4.2.2 --- Other Popular Mechanisms --- p.57 ; Chapter 3.4.2.2.1 --- Pressure groups --- p.57 ...

Zhang, Shiyu. ; Thesis M.Phil. Chinese University of Hong Kong 2014. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 82-87). ; Abstracts also in Chinese. ; Title from PDF title page (viewed on 06, December, 2016).

Tse, Hiu Hin. ; Thesis M.Phil. Chinese University of Hong Kong 2014. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 162-169). ; Abstracts also in Chinese. ; Title from PDF title page (viewed on 15, September, 2016).

"In 1898, Qing Dynasty emperor Guangxu ordered a series of reforms to correct the poltiical, economic, cultural, and educational weaknesses exposed by China's defeat in the First Sino-Japanese War. The "Hundred Days" reform has received a great deal of attention from historians who have focused on the well-known male reformers, but until now the Qing women reformers have received amost no consideration. In this book, literary historian Nanxiu Qian examines the late Qing reforms from the perspective of Xue Shaohui (1866-1911)--a leading woman writer who openly argued against male reformers' approach that subordinated women's issues to larger national concerns. Xue and her circle went beyond the inherited Confucian pattern, demanding equal political and educational rights with men in their quest for an ideal womanhood and an ideal social order"--Back cover

本研究旨在探索台灣自一九九零年代末推行之母語復興運動及其影響。作為使用者為數最多的本土語言,閩南語一度沒落;隨著母語復興措施當中、鄉土語言教學政策的廣泛開展,閩南語自「方言」一逕躍升為台灣文化的象徵,更被從政者甚至政府利用作對外宣傳之用。 ; 作者通過語言人類學田野考察方法,試圖以閩南語作為案例,釐清及解讀以下幾點:(一)台灣民眾當今的語言選擇及使用狀況;(二)他們的語言態度,與其文化認同之對應關係;(三)語言在台灣族群認同政治所扮演的角色;(四)語言政治在各社會文化層面所引起之角力;(五)方言(或語言,如原住民語言)群之競爭,如何掀起語言及文化傳統之再造和復興,以圖合理化其族群作為台灣文化象徵的地位。 ; 研究結果顯示,雖然巴赫汀 (Bakhtin) 的「眾聲喧嘩」(heteroglossia) 理論在實務層面與台灣的多語、多元文化相呼應,但當地政府所提倡之文化多元論、以及各持份者之間的隱性競爭,若以布迪厄 (Bourdieu) 的文化複製理論和傅柯(Foucault) 的權力知識理論解讀,當更適切。總的來說,台灣的母語復興運動,乃一項與昔日保守政權的抗衡行為賦權,控制兼具的政治行動,更是多元政治文化的象徵。 ; This thesis looks into the government-led language revitalization campaign in Taiwan with special reference to the case of Hokkien, one of the "bensheng" (local) vernacular with Han Chinese roots, in terms of language rights, ethnogenesis, and cultural legitimacy. Tracing the rise and development of concepts such as cultural heritage, ethnic identity and democracy in the region, the focus is placed on the recent changes in Taiwan's language ideology and the intricate emergence of Hokkien as one of the "national" languages and symbols apart from the official language, i.e. Mandarin Chinese. ; Against the backdrop where contesting discourses on language and culture discourses co-exist and crossbreed with each other, there are a number of closely-related issues that this thesis examines in particular: (1) the ways in which language choices are made and perceived in various contexts; (2) implications of such language choices as related to one's cultural identities; (3) the role of language politics in self and group identification and ethnic classification in Taiwan; (4) the power dynamics in various socio-cultural spheres; and (5) the resulting competition of multiple speech groups in Taiwan for authenticity, legitimacy and superiority in the political arena by means of reconstruction and reinvention of ethnic languages and traditions. ; The findings reveal that despite the practical relevance of Bakhtin's theory of heteroglossia to Taiwan's current ethnogenesis against the backdrop of multilingualism and ...

Li, Ho Fai. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2011. ; Includes bibliographical references (p. 100-117). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Acknowledgements --- p.i ; English and Chinese Abstracts --- p.ii ; List of Contents --- p.iv ; "Index of tables, figures, and diagrams" --- p.vi ; Lists of abbreviations and acronyms --- p.vii ; Notes --- p.ix ; Chapter 1. --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.1 --- Research Background and Research Question --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.2 --- Methodology --- p.3 ; Chapter 1.3 --- Research Significance --- p.5 ; Chapter 1.4 --- "Theoretical Frameworks, Central Arguments and Organization of the Thesis" --- p.6 ; Chapter 2. --- Theoretical Frameworks and Literature Review --- p.8 ; Chapter 2.1 --- Historical Institutionalism --- p.8 ; Chapter 2.2 --- The Study of Heritage Conservation --- p.10 ; Chapter 2.3 --- The Study of Civil Society --- p.12 ; Chapter 2.4 --- Political Economy of Built Heritage Conservation --- p.14 ; Chapter 2.5 --- State-Civil Society Relations in Post-Independence Malaysia --- p.16 ; Chapter 3. --- "Case Study of George Town in Penang, Malaysia (1957-2008)" --- p.24 ; Chapter 3.1 --- Genesis of George Town as a British Colonial Town --- p.24 ; Chapter 3.2 --- Development of George Town in 1950s-1970s --- p.25 ; Chapter 3.3 --- Development of George Town in 1980s-2008 --- p.32 ; Chapter 3.4 --- Updates of Development of George Town since 2008 --- p.60 ; Chapter 4. --- "Analysis of the case of George Town in Penang, Malaysia" --- p.66 ; Chapter 4.1 --- A Path of Institutional Change towards Heritage Conservation --- p.67 ; Chapter 4.2 --- Structural Basis for Civil Society-state Synergy --- p.69 ; Chapter 4.3 --- Conceptualizing the Constructability of Civil society-state Synergy --- p.77 ; Chapter 4.4 --- "Identification of ""Critical Juncture"" in the Developmental Path" --- p.82 ; Chapter 4.5 --- Sustainability of Civil society-state Synergy --- p.83 ; Chapter 5. --- Conclusion and Discussion --- p.88 ; Chapter 5.1 --- Brief Review of the ...

Wong, Wai Man Natalie. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2009. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 120-128). ; Abstract also in Chinese. ; Notes --- p.vii ; Lists of Figures and Tables --- p.viii ; Chapter CHAPTER 1 --- INTRODUCTION --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.1 --- Background of the Study - Transboundary movement of electronic waste (e-waste) --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.2 --- Definition of Structure of NGOs Networks --- p.8 ; Chapter 1.3 --- Transnational Advocacy Networks (TANs) --- p.11 ; Chapter 1.3.1 --- Variables in TANs --- p.12 ; Chapter 1.4 --- Organization of this Study --- p.18 ; Chapter 1.5 --- Methodology --- p.18 ; Chapter CHAPTER 2 --- REVIEWING TRANSNATIONAL ADVOCACY NETWORKS IN TRANSNATIONAL ACTIVISM --- p.20 ; Chapter 2.1 --- Overview: Expansion of INGOs --- p.20 ; Chapter 2.1.1 --- Debates: State-centric vs. Non State-centric in World Politics --- p.22 ; Chapter 2.2 --- Transnational Activism in World Politics --- p.25 ; Chapter 2.3 --- Networks in Transnational Activisms --- p.28 ; Chapter 2.3.1 --- Linkages in Transnational Activism between the North and the South --- p.30 ; Chapter 2.3.2 --- NGOs Networking: Two Levels Analysis --- p.32 ; Chapter 2.4 --- TANs in Transnational Activisms --- p.34 ; Chapter 2.5 --- Transnational Activism in Asia --- p.43 ; Chapter CHAPTER 3 --- WHAT HAS THE GREENPEACE DONE IN ANTI TOXIC E-WASTE CAMPAGINS IN CHINA AND THE PHILIPPINES? --- p.49 ; Chapter 3.1 --- Problems of e-waste --- p.49 ; Chapter 3.2 --- The Greenpeace China in Anti-toxic e-waste Campaign --- p.54 ; Chapter 3.3 --- The Greenpeace Philippines in Anti-toxic e-waste Campaign --- p.64 ; Chapter CHAPTER 4 --- COMPARISON OF THE STRUCTURE OF GREENPEACE NETWORKS IN CHINA AND THE PHILIPPINES --- p.76 ; Chapter 4.1 --- History of INGOs in China and the Philippines --- p.76 ; Chapter 4.1.1 --- History of INGOs in China --- p.76 ; Chapter 4.1.2 --- History of INGOs in the Philippines --- p.79 ; Chapter 4.2 --- Greenpeace - National Government Relationship --- p.92 ; Chapter 4.3 --- ...

In recent years, studies in the fields of both foreign policy analysis and international relations theory on China's domestic level have increased. However, these increases in studies have not been well received. Our research reviewed the related classical literature and the published literature over the past decade, seeking to find correlations among the various domestic factors and explore the progress of the operationalization of several variables. Our findings reveal that regime type and beliefs are the two variables which have been well studied in both of the fields of foreign policy analysis and international relations theory; that variables related to actors have been studied in the field of foreign policy analysis; and that new academic achievements inboth the studies have been adopted into the paradigms of international relations theory. These new developments have generally stimulated multilevel analysis in international relations. ; 近年来,国内政治层次在对外政策分析和国际关系理论两个领域的共同推动下,形成了一个要素庞多、交互复杂的知识网络体系,但却很少有研究兼顾宏观与微观双视角下去探究、梳理、整合这个知识体系。通过考察相关经典文献与近十年的研究成果,本文对国际关系研究中的国内政治解释进行类型化的分析,从宏观上寻找各要素之间的相关性,从微观上探索各变量的操作化进展。各变量在对外政策分析与国际关系理论两个领域的发展状况和深入程度存在差异,其中政体、观念等是两个领域的交互关系较深的变量,而行为体相关变量主要由对外政策分析领域推动,一些国际关系理论范式直接套用了这些研究成果。两个领域间相互推动发展的这种关系,不仅使国际关系研究不再只强调单方向、单层次的分析方法,而且互动与跨层次分析的成果也越来越丰富。

香港基進政治組織人民力量放棄以激進方式表達訴求,改以「快樂抗爭」作為政治策略以吸引大量群眾參與,並形成可觀的政治力量施予政府政治壓力。人民力量雖然以基進組織自居,何以取「快樂抗爭」作為它的政治策略呢?在此論文會仔細討論「快樂抗爭」如何以喜慶節日之感,讓與者用以直接抗爭為手法,承擔昂貴的政治成本來表達訴求,代之以輕鬆快之手段鼓動更多公眾參與。同一時間,縱使情緒搧動可以直接鼓動民眾與政治運動,然而情緒也有不智的一面。為了讓參與者宣洩他們的不滿,減低運動失控的情況,人民力量採納具有浄化作用的「快樂抗爭」作為它的抗爭手段。以下文章同時採用質性及質量硏究,以明情緒在社會運動中扮演的角色。 ; People Power, a radical group in Hong Kong, abandoned their disruptive approach, and adopted a new tactic of social movementjoyous resistancewhich attracted large numbers of participants. In this way, People Power became an influential political lever, exerting great pressure on the government. Why did this radical political party, People Power, abandon its stance of resistance through physical confrontation, and opt for a moderate approach, joyous resistance, to express their anger and voice their grievances at the government and at the group's antagonists? The shift in tactics has certainly been a successful one, attracting the attention of the public and helped a marginalized radical political party, People Power, to win three seats in 2012 Legislative Council Election. Although traditional theories of social movements have largely neglected the importance of emotion, the case of People Power shows that festive emotion can be an intangible resource to reduce the cost of participation when compared with confrontational tactics. The cathartic function of joyous resistance also reduces the potential for violence when People Power uses emotional appeals to mobilize the masses. In this thesis the concept of joyous resistance is introduced and the salient role of emotion in social movements is discussed, using case studies on People Power, the League of Social Democrats, the Democratic Party and the Civic Human Rights Front. Both quantitative and qualitative analysis will be conducted for the following thesis. ; Detailed summary in vernacular field only. ; Ng, Vitrierat. ; Thesis (Ph.D.) Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2014. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 207-215). ; Abstracts also in Chinese; appendixes ...

這項研究探討信息科技在中國的技術政治。研究試圖書寫電子計算機作為一種新的電子信息科技在中國早期設置過程的技術政治社會史,並在理論層面上尝试构建一個拓展了的「技術、社會、與勞動」的進路。源於冷戰的地緣政治結構,不像韓國、台灣、或香港等其他亞洲國家和地區 ,在1980年代改革開放以前,中國大陸的計算機工業已經經歷了近30年(1955-1984)連續且激進的獨立發展。特別需要指出的是,中國社會主義時代的計算機發展不僅僅是爲了滿足冷戰中的國防需要和技術民族主義意識形態下社會動員的需要,同時高度嵌入了有關階級政治和技術哲學的社會主義「社會實驗」當中。而隨著文革群眾運動的終結和中國的「改革開放」,鄧小平為首的國家決策層爲了回應來自外部的壓力和來自社會主義內部的危機,用實用主義的技術發展觀取代了社會主義的技術民主實踐。1984年,隨著阿尔文.托夫勒(Alvin Toffler)的《第三次浪潮》(The Third Wave)風靡中國大陸,革命中國的計算機工業和技術政策逐步被隨新自由主義全球化而來的「信息社會」和「矽谷模式」所取代。 ; 作為一個技術和文化的雙重物件,電子計算機及其衍生科技(臺式計算機、筆記本電腦、智慧手機、平板電腦等)是理解當代資本主義生產、消費、與勞動關係的指標性科技。然而在社會主義中國的革命現代化進程中,它卻曾經一度拐入了一條另類的發展路徑。中國的信息化(informationalization)或曰計算機化(computerization)過程中的技術路線鬥爭和轉型是如何發生的,這一進程與中國「從毛到鄧」的獨特現代化道路之間是怎樣的關係?時至今日,批判的傳播研究對這段歷史依然所知甚少。本文試圖重訪這個歷史轉折,探查計算機在中國的早期技術政治史。通過追蹤關鍵的歷史事件、人物、思潮、和政策,論文試圖探尋冷戰架構下東西方技術政治之間的交鋒,如何在被計算機仲介的生產與勞動關係中顯影。從這個「閃回」中得到的知識,有助我們將對今日中國信息產業和信息勞動的理解,重新納入中國革命現代性的潮起潮落之中。 ; This paper traces the political and social history for the installation process of digital technology in China, in order to shed light on the ways in which computer interacted with the transformation of Chinese socialism. Due to geopolitical structure of the Cold War, unlike other East Asian countries, before 1980s China had developed its independent computer industry for more than 30 years. This development was not just under the rubric of techno-nationalism, which mainly helps to fulfill military and national defense aims, but also embedded into proletariat political debates. Maoist China developed a dialectical approach to technology, in which the most powerful productive power is the revolutionary proletariat class per se, not the machine or technology. So the process of socialist technology development, like the process of socialist culture and arts development is also a dialectical process, which must follow mass line to not just develop productive force, but also transform production relations and create socialist subjectivity. Instead, the post-Mao leadership under Deng Xiaoping responded to external Cold War pressures and the profound internal crises of ...

在中國現代文學中,文藝與政治之間有著密切而複雜的關係,此一問題在現代戲劇中尤其值得重視。過往戲劇研究長期位處邊緣,這與戲劇此一文類所獨具的綜合藝術特質不無關係,其橫跨文學、美術、音樂、表演等領域的跨藝術特徵,導致其複雜性實際上遠超純文學的範疇。另一方面,戲劇運動的集團性和政治性,亦導致論者對於中國現代戲劇發展較為簡單化的論述,戲劇史的書寫往往與時代話語緊密連繫。不論是純粹文藝化還是政治化的角度,皆很可能遮蔽了戲劇本身一體兩面的問題,導致研究單一化和簡單化。洪深 (1894-1955)、田漢 (1898-1968)和夏衍 (1900-1995)均是中國現代重要戲劇家,同時亦長期被定位為左翼文藝陣營中的重要成員。戲劇家和政治家的身分重疊,導致他們的研究情況往往與時代的意識形態掛鈎,而目前有關他們的研究更是受到冷落,與他們的文學成就並不相稱。本文以三位劇作家為研究對象,希望通過他們的不同面向,重新審視文藝與政治之間各種複雜關係的可能性。 ; 本文分為五章。第一章為導論,主要介紹本文的寫作理念、方法和背景。第二章以洪深為研究對象,重新探討他的現實主義戲劇創作和主張。洪深對改譯劇的主張和實踐,體現了他與晚清鴛鴦蝴蝶派文學和西方戲劇的深刻淵源,而他和蕭伯納之間的文學關係,反映了他對早期文明戲的戲劇改革和西方舞台的繼承,突顯了洪深如何在中西文化之間思索中國現代戲劇中的現實主義問題。第三章從西方唯美主義和先鋒文學運動的角度,重新探討田漢的創作和政治轉向。本章考察田漢對外國文學的譯介活動,當中包括英國唯美主義作家威廉.莫里斯、德國表現主義影劇、俄國和日本左翼劇場,反映了田漢戲劇運動的左翼國際主義特徵;然而田漢對日本作家佐藤春夫和谷崎潤一郎的翻譯,則體現了他對唯美主義的回歸。第四章以夏衍的戲劇創作為研究對象,重新探討夏衍的戲劇文學的獨特性。本章把夏衍此時期的劇作分為歷史劇和上海都市劇兩個角度作出分析,並將它們放在當時文學場域中與郭沫若的歷史劇、國防文學、現代派小說和左翼電影作一比較,並分析夏衍的現實主義與左翼現實主義的相異。第五章為結論,綜合前文各章的討論,重新思考三位劇作家的戲劇實踐,並重審中國現代戲劇中文藝與政治之間的複雜關係。 ; There is a complicated relationship between literature and politics in modern Chinese literature, especially in modern Chinese drama. As a result, the research of modern Chinese drama has long been placed at a marginal position. Drama is an integrated artistic form consisting of literature, art, music, and performance, and therefore presents a complexity that goes far beyond "pure literature". On the other hand, the history of modern Chinese drama is closely integrated with historical discourse as a result of the organizational and political characteristics of drama movements. This shows that either literary or political point of view may confine the interpretation of their inter-related complexity and interaction. Hong Shen (1894-1955), Tian Han (1898-1968) and Xia Yan (1900-1995) are three of the most important dramatists in modern Chinese literature, who were also regarded as representative members in the left-wing literary camp. Due to their dual identities as dramatist and politician, their images are often connected with historical and ideological discourses. This has also resulted in desolation in ...