Suchergebnisse

This article examines the history of the arrival of Islam into Indonesia. This research is library research using documentation method. The results of this study are: First, no one knows for sure when Islam began to appear in Indonesia. Several theorists and historians have different opinions and analyzes. However, there are at least four major theories regarding the entry of Islam into Indonesia, namely: Arabic theory, Gujarat theory (India), Bengali theory (Fatimi), and Persian theory. Second, the spread and process of Islamization in Indonesia itself was carried out peacefully. Indonesian people can accept the existence of Islam well. There are six channels of Islamization in Indonesia, namely: trade, marriage, Sufism, education, arts and culture, and politics. Third, the existence of Islamic kingdoms also had a big role in the spread and development of Islam in Indonesia. These Islamic kingdoms stretched from Sumatra to the Moluccas. Some of them are the Perlak Sultanate, Samudera Pasai Sultanate, Malacca Sultanate, Aceh Sultanate, Demak Sultanate, Pajang Sultanate, Mataram Sultanate, Cirebon Sultanate, Banten Sultanate, Sultanate of Ternate, Sultanate of Tidore, Sultanate of Gowa, Sultanate of Tallo, Sultanate of Pasir, Sultanate of Banjar, Kotawaringin Sultanate, Pagatan Sultanate, Sambas Sultanate, Kutai Kertanegara Sultanate, Berau Sultanate, Sambaliung Sultanate, Gunung Tabur Sultanate, Pontianak Sultanate, Tidung Sultanate, and Bulungan Sultanate. ; Artikel ini mengkaji tentang sejarah masuknya Islam ke Indonesia. Penelitian ini merupakan penelitian kepustakaan dengan menggunakan metode dokumentasi. Hasil penelitian ini adalah: Pertama, tidak ada yang tahu pasti kapan Islam mulai muncul di Indonesia. Beberapa ahli teori dan sejarawan memiliki pendapat dan analisis yang berbeda. Namun, setidaknya ada empat teori besar mengenai masuknya Islam ke Indonesia, yaitu: teori Arab, teori Gujarat (India), teori Bengali (Fatimi), dan teori Persia. Kedua, penyebaran dan proses Islamisasi di Indonesia sendiri ...

Purpose One of the strongest connections in politics in developing countries is through military links. This study aims to examine the auditor choice preference of the militarily-connected firms in Indonesia, an emerging country where there is a strong influence from the military on political decision-making. Design/methodology/approach The analysis used 3,473 firms-year observations listed on the Indonesian Stock Exchange spanning from 2003 to 2017 using regression and other statistical tests. Findings The results reveal that firms with a militarily-connected director are less likely to appoint one of the Big 4 auditors. Using the military reform as a natural experiment, the finding shows that militarily-connected firms did not change their auditor choice preference even after the military reform. Interestingly, I find that connected firms are associated with high earnings management. In addition, the different retirement position level and military affiliations of the connected directors generate different outcomes related to the auditor choice decision. Overall, the results indicate that militarily-connected firms were less likely to appoint one of the Big 4 auditors both before and after the military reforms. These results are robust, even after the author controlled for political connections, year fixed effects and industry fixed effects. Research limitations/implications Because of the limitations of the prior literature on military connections, this study is developed based on the assumption that the militarily-connected directors have identical behavior whether they serve in either public or private companies. However, this assumption could be invalid which potentially affects the interpretation of some of the results in this study. Originality/value This paper provides direct evidence of the auditor choice preference of firms with a military connection. The evidence builds on the existing literature on the difference in auditor choice preference between politically and militarily-connected firms.

The election of the District Head and Deputy Regent of Kepahiang in 2015 is a decisive democratic process for 5 years. With the election, electing executive officials, namely the Regent and his Deputy in accordance with the rules of the General Election Commission (KPU) No. 7 of 2006. The dynamics of local politics ahead of The election of leader of Kepahiang was increasingly lively approaching election day. The local pair election appeared on the surface, marked by various kinds of political maneuvers carried out by each pair of the election in Kepahiang held on December 9, 2015. The pair of candidates in the 2015 in Kepahiang regency included: the first sequence number was the first pair, Ir. Firdaus Djalani and Bahruddin. Secondly, Dr. Ir. Hidayatullah Sjahid, MM and Netti Herawati, S. Sos and third Bambang Sugianto, SH, M. Hum and Arbi, S.IP. The nomination of the pair Hidayatullah Sjahid and Netti Herawati was carried out by 3 political parties who had seats in the House of Representative (DPRD) of Kepahiang regency. The parties that carry the pair Hidayatullah Sjahid and Netti Herawati include: Nasdem Party, Hanura Party, Gerindra Party. The nomination has been supported by parliamentary parties and non-parliamentary parties in general through three important stages, namely, first, the selection of candidates. Second, filtering and selection that has been netted. Third, the determination of candidates. Political Communication Strategy of Hidayatullah Sjahid and Netti Herawati pairs. Previously, he was also the acting officer (PLT) of the regent in Kepahiang. As a candidate who has held office, Hidayatullah Sjahid's position has a number of advantages over other candidates in the 2015 Kepahiang Regional Election. Besides having political investment in the Kepahiang regional election, Hidayatulah Sjahid as a candidate who has benefited from cooperating with Netti Herawati, who has high popularity in people's eyes.

This research aims to analyze extra-campus student organizations' political orientation in the 2019 presidential election in Makassar city using the qualitative descriptive research methods approach. Data collection methods use in-depth interviews and literature studies. Informants selection using purposive sampling techniques. This research indicates that internal factors relate to the extra-campus student organization's internal conditions in the 2019 presidential election in Makassar city. These internal conditions include encouraging their cadres to mature politically and democratically, maintaining the neutrality and idealism of cadres, and keeping the nation and state integrity. Besides, they supervise the government by conducting dialogue and discussion. At the same time, they imply that the 2019 presidential election's political agenda is a learning arena and rejects practical politics and oversees the candidate's vision and mission and every government policy by conducting studies. External factors are related to the influence from outside the extra-campus student organization, namely the alumni organization. The eight extra-campus student organizations consisting of HMI, PMKRI, GMKI, GMNI, PMII, IMM, KAMMI, and GEMA Pembebasan stated no intervention to select one candidate pair in the 2019 presidential election in Makassar city based on alumni's organizational instructions. There are three political orientations in the extra-campus student organizations in Makassar city: first, cognitive political orientation, second, affective political orientation, and third, evaluative political orientation. ; Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis orientasi politik organisasi kemahasiswaan ekstra kampus dalam pemilihan presiden tahun 2019 di kota Makassar dengan menggunakan pendekatan metode penelitian deskriptif kualitatif. Metode pengumpulan data menggunakan wawancara mendalam dan studi pustaka. Pemilihan informan menggunakan teknik purposive sampling. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan adanya faktor internal yang berhubungan dengan kondisi internal organisasi kemahasiswaan ekstra kampus pada Pilpres 2019 di kota Makassar. Kondisi internal tersebut antara lain mendorong kadernya agar matang secara politik dan demokratis, menjaga netralitas dan idealisme kader, serta menjaga keutuhan bangsa dan negara. Selain itu, mereka mengawasi pemerintah dengan melakukan dialog dan diskusi. Pada saat yang sama, mereka mengimplikasikan bahwa agenda politik Pilpres 2019 adalah ajang pembelajaran dan menolak politik praktis serta mengawasi visi misi dan setiap kebijakan pemerintah dengan melakukan kajian. Faktor eksternal berkaitan dengan pengaruh dari luar organisasi kemahasiswaan ekstra kampus yaitu organisasi alumni. Kedelapan organisasi kemahasiswaan ekstra kampus yang terdiri dari HMI, PMKRI, GMKI, GMNI, PMII, IMM, KAMMI, dan GEMA Pembebasan menyatakan tidak ada intervensi untuk memilih satu pasangan calon pada Pilpres 2019 di kota Makassar berdasarkan arahan organisasi alumni. Terdapat tiga orientasi politik dalam organisasi kemahasiswaan ekstra kampus di kota Makassar: pertama, orientasi politik kognitif, kedua, orientasi politik afektif, dan ketiga, orientasi politik evaluatif.

The main topic of discussion in this journal is the application of the parliamentary threshold policy in the political system in Indonesia. The Parliamentary threshold is a minimum vote acquisition threshold that must be met by political parties participating in the elections to be able to place their legislative candidates in parliament. The juridical empirical research method is used for discussion, which includes the effectiveness and impact of the law. This study also aims to provide input or contribution of ideas to the central government in implementing the parliamentary threshold policy on political parties, so as to produce good governance (good governance) that is stable, effective and efficient. Based on the research results, it can be seen that there is a parliamentary threshold debate in the political system in the country regarding the threshold for national vote acquisition for political parties to be included in the calculation and distribution of DPR seats. In formal juridical terms, the parliamentary threshold debate in the party system in Indonesia is conducted based on the law on political parties and democratic principles. The application of the parliamentary threshold in the national political system is expected to be simplified. Simplifying the number of political parties in Indonesia needs to be done as an effort to improve the quality of political parties so that they can make better contributions to the development of national politics. In addition, party simplification is also carried out in order to facilitate political governance in parliament and to increase the effectiveness and efficiency of democratic and political processes both in parliament and in government. Therefore, simplifying the party is an alternative solution in improving the quality of democracy and government stability, which in the end is for the welfare of the people. ; Pokok pembahasan dalam Jurnal ini mengenai penerapan kebijakan parliamentary threshold dalam sistem politik di Indonesia. Parliamentary threshold merupakan ketentuan batas minimal perolehan suara yang harus dipenuhi Partai politik peserta pemilu untuk bisa menempatkan calon anggota legislatifnya di parlemen. Untuk pembahasannya digunakan metode penelitian yuridis empiris, yang meliputi efektifitas dan dampak hukum. Penelitian ini juga bertujuan untuk memberikan masukkan atau sumbangan pemikiran kepada pemerintah pusat dalam menerapkan kebijakan parliamentary threshold terhadap partai-partai politik, sehingga dapat menghasilkan pemerintahan yang baik (good governance) yang stabil, efektif dan efisien. Berdasarkan hasil penelitian dapat diketahui adanya perdebatan parliamentary threshold dalam sistem politik di tanah air mengenai ambang batas perolehan suara nasional bagi partai politik untuk dapat diikutkan dalam penghitungan dan pembagian kursi DPR. Secara yuridis formal, perdebatan parliamentary threshold dalam sistem kepartaian di Indonesia dilakukan berdasarkan undang undang partai politik dan prinsip demokrasi. Penerapan parliamentary threshold dalam sistem politik ditanah air diharapkan adannya penyederhanaan. Penyederhanaan jumlah partai politik di Indonesia perlu dilakukan sebagai salah satu upaya meningkatkan kualitas partai politik sehingga bisa memberikan kontribusi yang lebih baik terhadap perkembangan politik nasional. Disamping itu pula penyederhanaan partai dilakukan dalam rangka mempermudah tata kelola politik di parlemen dan meningkatkan efektivitas dan efisiensi proses demokrasi dan politik baik di parlemen maupun di pemerintahan. Oleh karena itu, penyederhaan partai menjadi solusi alternatif dalam peningkatan kualitas demokrasi dan stabilitas pemerintahan, yang pada akhirnya untuk mensejahterakan rakyat

Global Governance encompasses the world's political activities and the management of issues and phenomena that occurred on a nation-state, involving contributions from regional to the international environment. In the global security sector, there are numerous efforts carried out by a country to counter such external threats that can cause destabilization. Non-proliferation and nuclear developments for peace are such issues of the global defense-security concern. The attempts to control and ensure the use of nuclear has been carried out by enacting international law, resolutions, and multilateral agreements. The Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) is one kind. Influencing the world's security, politics, and economy, JCPOA began to be disrupted since the U.S. withdrawal as one of the parties that initially signed the agreement. This research aims to analyze The Collapse of Global Governance: When the U.S. Leaves the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA). This research used a qualitative method with analysis based on secondary data, validated by the triangulation technique in this qualitative study. The analytical procedure uses secondary data from journals, media, and literature related to the Iran nuclear agreement and previous analyses discussing the U.S. exit from the JCPOA agreement. The analysis technique performs by arranging the data sequence, organizing the data into a pattern, category, and basic description. This research has found that Global Governance has fundamental weaknesses in its application. Through an analysis of the U.S. exit from the Iran nuclear agreement, it can be said that the reins of control are in the hands of the U.S. The Trump administration's policy on behalf of the U.S. to leave JCPOA to thwart the achievement of Global Governance and significantly affects the multi-national economic, political, and security order. The implementation of Global Governance and the issues also raised based on the interests of the superpowers. ; Global governance meliputi kegiatan politik dunia dan pengelolaan isu dan fenomena yang terjadi pada suatu negara kebangsaan, yang melibatkan kontribusi dari lingkungan regional hingga internasional. Di bidang keamanan global, banyak upaya yang dilakukan oleh suatu negara untuk melawan ancaman eksternal yang dapat menyebabkan destabilisasi. Non-proliferasi dan perkembangan nuklir untuk perdamaian adalah isu-isu yang menjadi perhatian pertahanan-keamanan global. Upaya pengendalian dan penjaminan penggunaan nuklir dilakukan melalui penetapan hukum internasional, resolusi, dan kesepakatan multilateral. The Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) adalah salah satunya. Mempengaruhi keamanan, politik, dan ekonomi dunia, keberadaan JCPOA mulai terganggu sejak mundurnya Amerika Serikat (AS) sebagai salah satu pihak yang awalnya menandatangani perjanjian. Tujuan penelitian ini adalah untuk menganalisis Runtuhnya Global Governance: Saat Keluarnya AS dari Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA). Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan analisis berdasarkan data sekunder, divalidasi dengan teknik triangulasi dalam penelitian kualitatif ini. Prosedur analitis menggunakan data sekunder yang diambil dari jurnal, media, dan literatur terkait perjanjian nuklir Iran dan analisis sebelumnya yang membahas keluarnya AS dari perjanjian JCPOA. Teknik analisis dilakukan dengan menyusun urutan data, mengorganisasikan data ke dalam suatu pola, kategori, dan deskripsi dasar. Penelitian ini menemukan bahwa global governance memiliki kelemahan mendasar dalam penerapannya. Melalui analisis keluarnya AS dari perjanjian nuklir Iran, dapat dikatakan bahwa kendali kendali berada di tangan AS. Kebijakan pemerintahan Trump mengatasnamakan AS keluar dari JCPOA untuk menggagalkan pencapaian global governance dan secara signifikan mempengaruhi tatanan ekonomi, politik, dan keamanan multi-nasional. Implementasi global governance dan permasalahannya juga diangkat berdasarkan kepentingan negara adidaya.