Suchergebnisse

Sintomatologia e politica razziale in AustraliaRiassunto: Jindabyne (una pellicola girata da Ray Lawrence nel 2006) si apre con l'uccisione di una giovane donna aborigena; tuttavia il punto su cui questa pellicola effettivamente si concentra è il modo in cui la gente reagisce a questo delitto. Per questo motivo, questo film ci dice molte interessanti verità sui rapporti interrazziali nell'Australia di oggi. La mia proposta è quella di leggere Jindabyne come un'utile allegoria nazionale (nel senso dato a questo lemma da Jameson); il film è una mappa o una cartografia che ritrae i luoghi comuni politici e culturali nella fase storica attuale. Al fondo della mia ipotesi sta il fatto che non possa essere solo una coincidenza il fatto che Jindabyne dia un tale spazio al problema dell'apologia culturale in questa particolare congiuntura della storia australiana. Anche se questo aspetto del film ha avuto poco risalto in alcune delle recensioni che ne hanno accompagnato l'uscita, mi colpisce il carattere sintomatico della tempistica: si tratta di un tema che, come una volta Deleuze ebbe a dire a proposito della differenza, era già nell'aria. Prodotto solo due anni prima dell'apologia nazionale ufficiale del primo ministro australiano Kevin Rudd agli indigeni d'Australia il 13 febbraio 2008, Jindabyne risponde a un complesso insieme di problemi culturali che erano all'ordine del giorno della politica nazionale dal 1995, quando fu reso noto Bringing Them Home, il rapporto della Commissione sulle Pari Opportunità e sui Diritti Umani relativo all'inchiesta di carattere nazionale vertente sulla cosiddetta "Generazione Rubata".Parole chiave: Razza; Politica australiana; Diritti degli indigeni; Allegoria nazionale; Gilles Deleuze e Felix Guattari. Abstract: Jindabyne (a movie directed by Ray Lawrence, 2006) begins with the murder of a young aboriginal woman, but its real focus is the way people respond to this murder. In doing so, it tells several interesting truths about race relations in Australia today. I want to suggest that Jindabyne can usefully be read as a national allegory (in Jameson's sense of the word). It maps or diagrams the cultural and political tropes of the present moment in history. My basic hypothesis is that it cannot be a coincidence that Jindabyne should give such prominence to the cultural problematic of the apology at this particular juncture in Australia's history. Although this aspect of the film is scarcely mentioned in any of the reviews that accompanied the film's premier, it strikes me that the timing is symptomatic: it is a topic that as Deleuze once said about difference was very much in the air. Produced only two years before the official national apology the Prime Minister of Australia Kevin Rudd made to the Indigenous peoples of Australia on February 13, 2008, Jindabyne responds to a complex assemblage of cultural problematics that have been on the national political agenda ever since the release in 1995 of Bringing Them Home, the Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission's report on its national inquiry into the so-called "Stolen Generation".Keywords: Race; Australian Politics; Indigenous Rights; National Allegory; Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari.

L'attuale crisi economico-finanziaria non allenta la morsa sul mondo occiden-tale e in particolare in Europa. I suoi effetti negativi non accennano a mitigarsi: la crescita economica è sempre più flebile, se non negativa, e mette a dura prova la stabilità finanziaria degli stati. Ciò ha inevitabilmente deviato l'atten-zione dell'opinione pubblica su temi economici in senso stretto: Pil, occupa-zione, prestazioni dello stato sociale, e su altri problemi di natura materialista. In questo quadro, era abbastanza prevedibile che l'immigrazione vedesse scal-fita la propria salienza nell'arena politica ed elettorale e i dati forniti da son-daggi (Eurobarometro, 2012a) che hanno sondato le preoccupazioni dell'opi-nione pubblica europea confermano questa tendenza. Di lì, ci si attendeva an-che una riduzione nelle prestazioni elettorali dei partiti appartenenti all'area della cosiddetta destra populista, radicale o estrema , che per lungo tempo hanno tratto linfa vitale dall'ostilità di una parte degli elettori verso gli immigrati extraeuropei. Lo stesso corpo ideologico di queste forze politiche si è sviluppato perlopiù attorno a concetti quali nativismo e xenofobia. Tale aspet-tativa si è rivelata esatta solo in parte: le recenti elezioni in Francia e Grecia hanno smentito il declino della destra, rilanciandone anzi l'importanza nel si-stema dei partiti in entrambi i paesi ed evidenziando come essa sia in grado di rappresentare un punto di attrazione per tutti i cosiddetti "losers" della globa-lizzazione, mentre in Olanda la destra anti-islamica ha effettivamente registrato un pesante arretramento alle urne. In Francia la vittoria è andata ai socialisti, in Grecia si è formato un governo di grande coalizione guidato dal maggior partito di centrodestra, mentre nei Paesi Bassi le trattative fra i partiti potrebbero portare una coalizione di maggioranza fra liberali e laburisti con alcune forze minori.

Il tema dell'influenza della fratture religiosa nella determinazione delle preferenze politico-elettorali e del confronto interpartitico è stato considerato in misura marginale in molteplici studi sul sistema partitico canadese. Nell'ambito del dibattito dottrinario e politico, la tendenza generale che è prevalsa sinora è stata quella di mettere in risalto, più che altro, le intersecazioni esistenti tra le diversità linguistiche ed etno-culturali con un ordine politico oramai profondamente secolarizzato, in cui la religione riveste un ruolo superficiale e secondario per influenzare le scelte degli elettori.

After 9/11 the problem of "ungrievable lives" has taken a central place in Judith Butler's philosophical work. However, in her latest works, she tries to imagine a new kind of political mobilization not only capable of breaking into the hegemonic cultural framework, which is responsible for the exclusion of some lives from the human domain, but also capable of putting at centre-stage the bodily dimension of all human beings with their needs and demands. In the first part of this article I give a brief overview of the processes of disavowal and derealisation, focusing especially on the media representation of contemporary wars that influence our cognitive schemes by applying a different human value to other populations and social groups. In the second part of the article I discuss the bodily mobilizations of those very subjects whose lives are made unworthy and unliveable by virtue of current "frameworks of intelligibility".

Analitica dedica gran parte del suo decimo volume (2017) all'indagine della teoria e dell'analisi musicale in quanto prassi influenzata da scelte politiche e pragmatiche, e pienamente inserita in specifici contesti ideologici e sociali. Recentemente, infatti, il dibattito sulle motivazioni e gli scopi della musicologia, considerata come pratica sociale, ha portato a una nuova consapevolezza dei presupposti ideologici e politici dell'analisi musicale [Broman-Engebretsen 2007; Buch-Donin-Feneyrou 2013] e a una storicizzazione delle contrapposizioni introdotte dalla New Musicology nell'ultimo ventennio del Novecento [Agawu 2004; MacCutcheon 2014]. Allo stesso tempo, la progressiva convergenza delle metodologie impiegate nei diversi campi degli studi musicali – dalla musica d'arte alle musiche di tradizione orale, dalla popular music alla musica nel contesto della comunicazione audiovisiva, dall'uso del suono nei nuovi media alle culture non-musicali del suono – ha messo in piena evidenza la stretta relazione tra le pratiche dell'analisi musicale e i loro fondamenti epistemologici, che riflettono, in modo più o meno evidente, precise scelte di politica culturale [van den Toorn 1996; Scherzinger 2001; Schuijer 2008, Campos-Donin 2009; Guilbault 2014; Earle 2015].Analitica dedica gran parte del suo decimo volume (2017) all'indagine della teoria e dell'analisi musicale in quanto prassi influenzata da scelte politiche e pragmatiche, e pienamente inserita in specifici contesti ideologici e sociali. Recentemente, infatti, il dibattito sulle motivazioni e gli scopi della musicologia, considerata come pratica sociale, ha portato a una nuova consapevolezza dei presupposti ideologici e politici dell'analisi musicale [Broman-Engebretsen 2007; Buch-Donin-Feneyrou 2013] e a una storicizzazione delle contrapposizioni introdotte dalla New Musicology nell'ultimo ventennio del Novecento [Agawu 2004; MacCutcheon 2014]. Allo stesso tempo, la progressiva convergenza delle metodologie impiegate nei diversi campi degli studi musicali – dalla musica d'arte alle musiche di tradizione orale, dalla popular music alla musica nel contesto della comunicazione audiovisiva, dall'uso del suono nei nuovi media alle culture non-musicali del suono – ha messo in piena evidenza la stretta relazione tra le pratiche dell'analisi musicale e i loro fondamenti epistemologici, che riflettono, in modo più o meno evidente, precise scelte di politica culturale [van den Toorn 1996; Scherzinger 2001; Schuijer 2008, Campos-Donin 2009; Guilbault 2014; Earle 2015].

Il presente capitolo del Rapporto si concentra su due avvenimenti importanti, seppur non strettamente connessi, che hanno segnato la politics dell'immigrazione nel corso del 2020: l'emanazione del c.d. decreto "Rilancio" e lo svolgimento in ben otto regioni delle consultazioni per l'elezione diretta del Presidente e del Consiglio regionale.

This paper analyses the connections between Bagehot's Conservative liberalism and his evolutionary conception of the English Constitution. According to Bagehot, the solidity of the British constitutional system rests on the coexistence of two factors, the «government by discussion» (for the few) and the «deference» (by the people for the elite) in the social and political life of the Country. In his essay Physics and Politics, Bagehot asserts that the poise between the principle of political freedom and that of «legality» is the result of a lucky and rare evolutionary itinerary, which has enabled England to be a solid and dominant nation. The advance of democracy in the mid Victorian period threatens to blow up the balance achieved between change and continuity. For Bagehot, the danger is that democracy risks killing a «legality» based on «deference», and that death of deference risks killing a freedom based on «government by discussion».

For this paper I shall look at ways of coordinating politics and entertainment, or in slightly other terms aesthetics and politics, as they have been used to construct ancient tragedy as a means to the good society. In my title this aspect of tragedy is identified as "home", to indicate tragedy's preoccupation with community. This is a note repeatedly struck in discourse about tragedy, both by the earliest commentators and by those negotiating the development of the nation-state, and of political reform, in the eighteenth, nineteenth and twentieth centuries. This essay thus first considers some of the different ways in which tragedy has been associated with the goal of the good community, by the theoretical works of Plato, Aristotle, Schlegel, Williams and Eagleton, as well as by harnessing productions and performances to the political effort of nation-building. The essay will then contrastingly explore tragedy's "homelessness", the ways in which it uproots its characters and sets them in restless motion. These latter reflections are prompted by recent receptions of tragedy that have responded to the global migrant crisis, and that are thus in dialogue with earlier critical understandings of tragedy which were more likely to foreground a sense of civic identity associated with the polis. I thus consider productions of Aeschylus' Suppliant Women in Syracuse and Edinburgh, and the new ancient trilogy, acted by Syrian women refugees, which has unfolded since 2013, in the Middle East and Europe, under the creative guidance of Omar Abu Saada and Mohammad Al Attar. The new focus is born of and gives voice to new global realities. Barbara Goff is Professor of Classics at the University of Reading, UK. She has published extensively on Greek tragedy and its reception, especially in postcolonial contexts. Her most important books include Your Secret Language: classics in the British colonies of West Africa (London: Bloomsbury, 2013), Crossroads in the Black Aegean: Oedipus, Antigone, and dramas of the African diaspora (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), and The Noose of Words: Readings of Desire, Violence and Language in Euripides' Hippolytos (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990). Her most recent publication is a collection, co-edited with Introduction, titled Classicising Crisis: the modern age of revolutions and the Greco-Roman repertoire (London: Routledge, 2020). Keywords: tragedy, exile, home, refugee, Syria

Although in comparison to other key Gramscian concepts, ideology has not been among the most studied, this is beginning to change. In particular, recent scholarship has demonstrated a diffuse and variegated usage of the term in the Prison Notebooks, as well as an innovative extension of the concept, which is articulated around a network of closely correlated terms and concepts. Nevertheless, debates remain over how to understand its meaning in Gramsci's carceral discourse, with some arguing that his distinctive conception of ideology has a "neutral", and arguably, also "positive" meaning, while others contend that it is neither "neutral", nor "positive", but a critical concept. This essay argues that Gramsci's conception of ideology is neither neutral nor positive, but rather, an eminently critical and differentiated analysis of the diverse ideological forms of consciousness through which the popular masses are enveloped within the web of a class's hegemony through the mediation of the philosophers' philosophies, the fruit of his attempt to rethink philosophy politically. In short, understanding Gramsci's conception of ideology in the full sense can only be ascertained by following the threads of his philosophical investigations in their shifts and re-elaborations. Keywords: Gramsci, Politics, Philosophy, Ideology

In the late nineteenth century Populism was a major feature of US politics and society. It originated as an agrarian revolt born in response to the crisis of American agriculture vis-à-vis industrialization and the opening of global markets for agricultural products. The ensuing Populist movement involved millions of farmers in the Southern and Mid-Western rural areas hit by the crisis and it spilled over into local and national elections, eventually spreading to other regions and including sections of the emerging middle class, thus posing a formidable challenge to the established two-party system. Though it ultimately failed to bring about an electoral realignment, its influence was nonetheless significant and long-lasting. The Populists instigated political and economic reforms for decades to come while actively partaking in the cultural transformations of the time. Populism, however, generated a culture that was both forward- and backward looking, and as it continued to affect politics over the course of the twentieth and early twenty-first century, its majoritarian impulse inspired new forms of democratic inclusion as well as threats to minorities and republican institutions. This complex phenomenon and its many ramifications have engaged generations of historians, whose political sensibilities changed as events unfolded and scholarly research proceeded. At a time when Populism has once occupied center stage in America, it is worth looking back at its origins and pondering how the historiography has tried to make sense of it.

The purpose of this research is to offer a contribution to the study of the growth of anti-establishment political groups in the UK, specifically, the United Kingdom Independence Party, a typically perceived right-wing political movement whose main belief is the separation of the UK from the European Union. First part of the research will mostly draw upon literature review on Political and Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA), a multifaceted approach to the study of text and talk: discourses influence social relations and knowledge systems through language, and the theoretical structure of CDA demonstrates the complex workings of power and ideology in discourse in sustaining particular orders. What is intended to prove, where verifiable, is a re-shape of the negative biased definition of the term 'populism' which has been attributed for years by mainstream politics. The study will give an overview on the interchangeable Other-construction depending on one of the great three issues at stake: anti-European Union, anti-Immigration (Economic Migrants) and anti- establishment political talk. Substantial through the data analysis is the shift from a biological to a cultural concept of racism now conceived as ethnopluralism, that is the straightforward realization of an impossible coexistence among different culture within one nation.

L'esperimento costituzionale americano è fondato sul seguente paradosso: costruire un sistema capace allo stesso tempo di permettere la pacifica coesistenza tra diversi cittadini, lasciando questi ultimi liberi di scegliere il proprio modo di perseguire la felicità. Originariamente, il costituzionalismo americano ha tentato di risolvere tale paradosso costruendo un sistema di regole capace di incanalare e ricomporre le differenti visioni presenti nella società in una duplice garanzia fondata sulla divisione orizzontale e verticale del potere. Ma l'avvento delle identity politics e la polarizzazione politica tipica dell'epoca post-moderna hanno messo in crisi la tenuta di tale architettura costituzionale, lacerando il tessuto politico-sociale e l'accordo costituzionale che da esso deriva. Il presente articolo affronta tali sfide, indagando le cause storiche e i problemi odierni della attuale crisi costituzionale. ; The American constitutional experiment is based on the following paradox: to build a legal system that allows for peaceful coexistence among all citizens by maintaining, at the same time, the freedom to choose different ways of pursuing happiness. Originally, the main goal of American constitutionalism was to safeguard political disagreement through the vertical and horizontal separation of powers. The rise of the identity politics is challenging this constitutional framework and the polarization of the political system is threating the US democracy and the constitutional agreements that come from it. The present paper aims to address these challenges analyzing the historical origins and the current issues of this constitutional crisis.

The rise of identity politics is challenging European constitutionalism that, after the failed effort to create a demos under a Con- stitution, focused on the protection of human rights. When the demands for identity recognition cannot find spaces to be voiced, they may lead to forms of new populism/nationalism. Against such backdrop, how can constitutionalism help to manage this tension?

The paper takes advance of the analysis carried out in a previous work in this journal (Politica e amministrazione). Under that theoretical background, the author proposes two remedies, such as separate executive's bodies organs serving political representative form the rest of public administration and appoint the office only by merit and measure the performances of bureaucracy. In spite of this, Italian legislation issued a mechanism torpedoing KPI (Key Performance Indicators), by political omissions and recently reduced officials' responsibilities. ; Il lavoro muove da precedenti riflessioni sul rapporto tra politica e amministrazione. Se ne derivano alcune proposte – la separazione tra organi che sono a servizio della politica ed i restanti; la selezione per merito e la conferma in base ai risultati, per i secondi. Identificati i problemi della relazione, se ne mettono in luce le storture quanto alla misurazione della performance della burocrazia, a causa della mancata assunzione di responsabilità degli organi politici. Anche le recenti riforme, dirette a ridurre la responsabilità dei funzionari, non sembrano andare nella direzione corretta, perché la buona amministrazione deriva da funzionari capaci e non irresponsabili.

The essay discusses theoretical and practical aspects of politics, war and diplomacy in late fifteenth-century Italy, using Machiavelli's works as an example of theory, Venetian foreign policy as an example of practice. The attempt to present Machiavelli as a founding father of the Realist school of International Relations is considered and dismissed. Major features of Machiavelli's thought are treated: his vision of the intimate connections between foreign affairs, war and political life; his distinguishing power from force; and his grasp of the importance of reputation. The value of these as a guide to the politics of Italy between 1454 and 1494 is assessed, with particular reference to Venice, and to the merits and defects of Machiavelli's famous comparison between ancient Rome and Venice. The career of Roberto di Sanseverino is examined to show that one premise upon which that comparison was based, that condottieri were unreliable, was sometimes well founded.