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To understand the depth of transformations in all spheres of society generated by
migration, new terminology is needed. The notion of "postmigrant societies" implies that the
distinction between local and migrant population loses its relevance in certain social spheres.
According to the familiar epistemological framework, societies are presented as consisting of
"local population" on the one hand, and "migrant population" on the other. This understanding,
however, is becoming obsolete. First, it does not reflect the fact that the phenomenon of spatial
mobility is embedded in the social structure. A significant part of the so-called local population
is itself included in migration processes. People who are considered to be part of the
"autochthonous population" are in fact migrants themselves due to different circumstances
(contract work, long-term stay in another country due to studies, involvement in joint business
projects, participation in international scientific teams, availability of real estate abroad, etc.). At
the same time, those people who are regarded as "migrants" by common sense can be well
integrated into the social institutions of their new homeland. Second, the traditional
epistemological framework does not reflect contemporary demographic trends. It is unable to
capture two points: (a) population rotation within the framework of circular/pendulum migration;
(b) qualitative change in the urban population of industrialized countries.

The article discusses the possible transformation of the geopolitical situation in the Francophone countries of Tropical Africa in the context of the coronavirus pandemic, based on the information published in the French media. And also, the analytical report, sent by experts of the Paris Center for Analysis, Forecasting and Strategy (CAPS), to the President and the French Foreign Ministry was used. The article contains a list of the main epidemiological, social, humanitarian, and political threats that will destabilize the situation on the Black Continent, as well asmade a prediction attempt of the dynamics of international relations in the post-coronavirus period. The aim of this study is to find out how the balance of forces of traditional and relatively new actors in international relations has been changed in the countries of Tropical Africa in the period of present observation. Particular attention is paid to the initiatives of the Champs Elysees, designed to preserve the traditional political, economic, and military dominance of the Fifth Republic in African countries, the territories of which were part of the French colonial empire. Emanuel Macron's proposals regarding forgiveness of external debts and economic assistance to African countries are analyzed. It is concluded that the initiatives of the President of France cannot be implemented in political practice and are aimed only at countering the growth of anti-French mood in the Sahel. A political analysis of the situation comes to the conclusion that, as a result of the economic and political upheaval caused by the coronavirus pandemic, it is very likely that the interests of France will be supplanted from Tropical Africa by China and, in part, by Russia.

Student unrest of 1956 in Soviet universities is examined based on the example of the Ural State University and the Ural Polytechnic Institute in Sverdlovsk. Student attitudes are analyzed in terms of social and critical thinking, and the reaction of authorities — in light of the policy towards the intelligentsia. The theoretical and methodological frame of analysis is constructivism, with emphasis put on aspects of bilateral, reciprocal design and temporality. The empirical base consists of documents from the collections of the Documentation Centre of the Social Institutions of Sverdlovsk Region, the University Museum, as well as materials from local and national press. The mid 1950's were marked by a radical revision of the limits of acceptable criticism, which was unfolding until the end of 1956. Unorthodox activity was not regarded as seditious up until a point. The gap, interval between the original action and the resulting stigmatizing mark shows how such a notion crystallized. At some point it seemed as if you could criticize everyone and everything. It is shown that the most crucial effect was produced not by the theme of student statements but rather by a mismatch in the magnitude of the subjects and objects of public criticism. The position of authorities was to depoliticize student activity, while using such a relatively new course as pathologizing objectification: the younger generation was treated as a bearer of specific problems requiring special attention. "Labor education" with emphasis on hard physical labor was used as the universal lifesaver. Sundays at construction sites, hedgehog-fit visits to farms, as well as sending expelled students to factories inform the phenomenon of organic intellectuals "on the contrary" (in the words of A. Gramsci and N. Savelyeva). At the same time, the pragmatic benefits of resolving to admit to universities only those who had sufficient work experience was not reduced to disposing of students' "unhealthy moods", but rather "postponement" of higher education was to attract the youngsters to the virgin lands and construction sites. Students themselves insisted on the political connotations of their actions. The desire of the young generation to "catch the winds of history in their sails" was gradually accumulated in the concept of romance, which had yet to displace the patriotism and heroism that prevailed within the ideological orientations and the official rhetoric of the 50's.

The article studies the basic and complicated evolution of different approaches for investigating Russian post-Soviet Islamic transformation. The authors describe the logic and dynamic of scrutinizing such kind of problems as Islamic consciousness and Muslim institutes, relationships between Islam and ethnic political develoments, forms and manifestations of Islamic fundamentalism. In an effort to identify and assess the signs of post-Soviet Islamic revival, the Russian academic community has obviously been driven to despair. Especially since the tragedy of 9/11/2001 as a source of studying Islam as an evasive object. The main goal of this paper is the methodological innovation which consists in multilayered approach. The authors argue that changes of parameters and structure of post-Soviet policy is reflected in the change of format and unities of analysis. The paper examines the character of academic discussion about different understanding of such political phenomena as politization of Islam as well as bordering Islam in terms of multi-level methodology. This methodology could be able to clarify very complicated Islamic features: socio-territorial organization, communication, and the reproduction channels. It alone will help us explain changing Islam as a social and political enigma. In this paper the authors have correctly identified the phenomenon of Muslim regionalization as a situation under which the Islamic leaders concentrate on religious development at the local level. It is not the authors' aim to discuss the forms of Islamic existence and its religious-teaching component. The authors favor the wider approach typical of political science in which there is a component of Islamic studies. This analysis has demonstrated that the multi-layered approach to Islam, which identifies its viable segments, has a considerable heuristic potential. This approach helps to understand the inner dynamics of the Islamic development as a complex social and political phenomenon. This reconfirms the old truth that the deeper the analysis goes into the past the more integral an image of reality it acquires. (author's abstract)

The article attempts to provide a definition for the problem area of the philosophy of politics, political philosophy and political science. Given the lack of a well-established distinction between the subjects of these sciences in the Russian-language discourse, the author turns to the English-language tradition. The analysis of this discourse shows the following: 1) the absence of a distinction between political philosophy and the philosophy of politics, which is replaced by political ontology as part of political philosophy; 2) the existence of a distinction between political theory and political philosophy; 3) the dependence of the paradigm of the relationship between political theory and political philosophy on the consensus developed in the national intellectual tradition. In the English-language discourse, the question of the relationship between political science and political philosophy comes to the fore. The latter is considered as a subordinate, integral part of political science. It is shown that, based on the criterion of "insufficient scientificity", attempts to exclude political philosophy from the political science do not stop. The article substantiates the position according to which, despite their apparent similarity, the subjects of political science and political philosophy do not coincide – the disciplinary ontology of political science can become the subject of political philosophy. When discussing the relationship between the philosophy of politics and political philosophy, the article presents several hypotheses. First, a distinction is made between the philosophy of politics and political philosophy and the author argues that they are distinct. Secondly, the position, according to which the philosophy of politics belongs to the field of philosophy, and political philosophy to political science, is critically examined, and the fact that the two disciplines belong to the philosophical corpus of knowledge is substantiated. Thirdly, it is proposed to demarcate between the philosophy of politics and political philosophy in accordance with the difference between their subjects. The subject of philosophy of politics is the phenomenon of the political, while the subject of political philosophy is political phenomena.

В статье исследуется расхождение между modus vivendi меровингских королей и нормами светских и церковных законов в области внутрисемейных и брачных отношений в VI веке в условиях подчинения идеологической сферы церковному институту. Крещение Хлодвига и христианизация франкского общества были пристрастно изображены Григорием Турским в его труде с многочисленными умолчаниями и искажениями. Выдвигается гипотеза о связи умолчания в «Истории франков» о дате крещения Хлодвига с регентским правлением Хродехильды при несовершеннолетних сыновьях. За брачными одеждами запрещенных союзов (с вдовой брата и сестрой жены, с мачехой и близкой родственницей) у Меровингов скрывались политические заговоры (дело Претекстата, обвинение Григория Турского в клевете на Фредегонду) и ожесточенная борьба за власть. Предлагаются новые интерпретации спорных исторических событий.
The article examines the discrepancy between the modus vivendi of the Merovingian kings and the norms of secular and ecclesiastical laws in the field of family and marital relations in the sixth century in the conditions of subordination of the ideological sphere to the church institution. Gregory of Tours represented with prejudice the Christianization of Frankish society in his historical work with numerous eliminations and distortions. My hypothesis discloses the connection between the concealment about the date of Clovis's baptism in the Decem Libri Historiarum and Clothild's regency with minor sons. Behind the wedding clothes of incestuous marriages (including brother's widow, wife's sister, stepmother, cousin) the Merovingians were hiding political conspiracies (the trial of Bishop Praetextatus, the accusation of Gregory of Tours the spreading rumours about Fredegund) and a fierce struggle for power. New interpretations of controversial historical events are proposed.

В статье рассмотрено экономическое состояние ТНК сегодня, так как экономические мощности ТНК могут конвертировать в политическое лоббирования своих интересов, чем богаче и крупнее ТНК, чем больше имеет ресурсов, тем она влиятельнее не только в экономике страны, но и в политике, имея рычаги давления и тем она интереснее для правительства страны базирования. В статье представлен анализ экономического потенциала ТНК на 2020 и 2021 года, основанный на рейтингах журналов Forbes и Fortune. Основной акцент был сделан на соотношении выручки крупнейших ТНК и валового национального дохода стран (Турции, Сингапура, Таиланда, Мексики, РФ и другие), что показывает и политическую ресурсность ТНК.

The aim of the study is to examine the activities of professional academic associations in the U.S., which are close to the memory institutions in Europe. The author examines the role of professional associations as memory institutions in the development of memorial culture through the representation of the past in contemporary politics, its reflection in public and public spaces of American society. The novelty of the study lies in the comparison of institutions that determine the main vectors and trajectories of historical policy as memory policy in the United States. The article analyses the problems of the activities of institutionalized actors of collective memory policy in the U.S., including the American Historical Association, the Organization of American Historians and the Southern Historical Association. It hypothesizes that these groups can shape civil society versions of collective memory as alternatives to politically motivated use of the past by political elites. The article deals with the institutional and formal features of historical politics in the United States, the participation of historical associations in memorial conflicts and "memory wars", issues of politicization of history and the academic community's attempts at forming a canon of historical collective memory which is formally free from ideological influences. The activities of professional historical associations have supposedly been a factor in the development of revisionism in the interpretation of the history of the American South and the Confederate States of America. Therefore, the author considers the role and responsibility of American historians as public intellectuals who shaped compromise versions of memorial culture that contributed to the consolidation of society. The article highlights the contribution of professional historical associations as memory institutions to the development of mnemonic spaces of American society and its memorial culture. It analyses the attempts of American historians to preserve the "purity" of academic research in the context of the growing ideologization and instrumentalization of history by ruling elites. The research results suggest that memory institutions are an important factor in the development of contemporary identities in the United States in the context of revision of the past and the formation of new or alternative memorial canons in American political culture.

В статье анализируются эвфемизмы, распространенные в языке современной французской публицистики. Материалом исследования выступают современные французские газеты, ориентированные на широкую читательскую аудиторию. Проведен подробный анализ эвфемизмов, функционирующих в языке французской письменной прессы. В рамках тематической группы «Власть и политика» выявлены пять типов эвфемизмов, направленных на ослабление восприятия негативной информации с целью влияния на формирование оценок событий и управления общественным мнением читателей в адрес: 1) действий политических лидеров; 2) репрессивных методов, применяющихся властью для решения проблемных ситуаций; 3) действий, направленных непосредственно против политической власти; 4) взаимоотношений разных государств и их глав; 5) действий со стороны армии или полиции. Проанализированы эвфемизмы, объединенные группой «Власть и политика», с учетом способов их образования. Выявленные эвфемизмы в языке современной французской прессы представлены: устойчивыми словосочетаниями; идиомами, образованными на основе терминологической лексики; метафорическим и метонимическим переносом; олицетворением; эпитетами. Исследованная тематическая группа «Власть и политика» позволит дополнить уже имеющиеся знания в области изучения такого феномена, как эвфемизация речи, а также послужит основой для дальнейшего анализа эвфемизмов на материале языка современных французских письменных средств массовой информации.
The article analyzes the euphemisms widespread in the language of modern French journalism. The research material is French newspapers aimed at a wide readership. A detailed analysis of euphemisms functioning in the language of the French written media has been made. In the thematic group "Authorities and Politics" five types of euphemisms have been identified. They are aimed at weakening the perception of negative information in order to influence the assessment of events and control the public opinion of readers towards: 1) actions of political leaders; 2) repressive methods used by the authorities to solve problem situations; 3) actions directed against political authorities; 4) relations between different states and their heads; 5) actions by the army or the police. The analysis of euphemisms united by the group "Authorities and Politics" according to the method of their formation is carried out. The identified euphemisms in the language of the modern French journalism are represented by set phrases; idioms formed on the basis of terminology; metaphorical and metonymical transfer; personification; epithets. The studied thematic group "Authorities and Politics" will complement the existing knowledge in the field of studying such a phenomenon as euphemization of speech. It will be the basis for further analysis of euphemisms on the material of the language of modern French written media.

Являясь многоэтническим государством, Китай сталкивается с проблемой обеспечения и защиты прав и свобод этнических меньшинств. Реализация права национальных меньшинств на самоопределение в КНР проводится посредством создания национально-территориальных автономий, что соответствует стратегическим целям внутренней политики Китая в целом и национальной политики в частности. Национальная политика Китая направлена на сохранение политической стабильности и территориальной целостности государства, поддержание процесса интеграции китайского общества и гармоничного развития межэтнических отношений. Объектом исследования является проблема реализации права на самоопределение наций в теории и политике КПК. Методологической базой исследования выступают исторический, структурно-функциональный и системный подходы. Историография темы представлена работами китайских и российских авторов (Т.В. Лазарева, В.А. Манько, М.Х. Фарукшин), в которых рассматриваются различные взгляды на развитие института национально-территориальной автономии и принципов самоуправления. В Китае процесс реализации национальными меньшинствами права на самоопределение подразделяется на два исторических этапа. Первый этап (с 1922 по 1949 г.) - процесс утверждения права на самоопределение. Второй (с 1949 г. по настоящее время) - процесс совершенствования института национально-территориальной автономии. Создание национально-территориальной автономии и есть способ решения национального вопроса в КНР.

The events taking place in Central and Eastern Europe (primarily in Ukraine and Latvia) indicate a serious problem facing believers in these States, and are also a signi cant challenge to the adopted approach regarding the right to autonomy of religious associations, a ecting and having signi cance for the entire European continent. Currently, the state authorities of Ukraine and Latvia are taking measures aimed at signi cantly limiting the activities of religious associations that have historically been in churchcanonical connection with the Russian Orthodox Church. It seems that the actions of the State authorities of these countries can be characterized as excessive interference in the autonomy of religious organizations guaranteed by the Constitution of Ukraine and the Republic of Latvia, as well as the European Convention on Human Rights. Meanwhile, the ECHR has formed a stable practice defending the right to autonomy of religious associations in the states of Central and Eastern Europe, as well as guaranteeing protection from unjusti ed state interference in the internal a airs of the church. In this article, the author attempts not only to analyze the precedents already considered in the practice of the ECHR, but also to predict a possible Court decision regarding the actions of state authorities of Ukraine and Latvia on the way from politics to law