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In the article I present a reflection around the radical democratic project proposed by Chantal Mouffe & Ernesto Laclau. Specifically, I examine the application of the project in the context of the 'new social movements' & especially, of feminist movement. I state the need of drawing attention to universalism & essentialism as the main obstacles to generate a collective proposal without margins. Nevertheless, doubts remind about the possibility of building up a feminism tailored by the radical democratic project, in a stage in which the political action of such a movement is characterized by categories that are closed & crystallized.

Nuevas subjetividades y formas de comportamiento emergen de y se vinculan con condiciones sociales contemporáneas que cuestionan las fronteras entre "lo propio" de los hombres y "lo propio" de las mujeres. En este marco, se multiplican y ganan visibilidad social algunas modificaciones a los mandatos tradicionales de la feminidad y de la masculinidad. De las nuevas tecnologías del género, entretejidas con la actividad económica y cultural, emergen nuevas expresiones de la feminidad, arropadas en un discurso político contra el machismo y sobre la equidad, y un número cada vez mayor de mujeres incorpora la aspiración igualitaria y desafía ciertos límites a su ingreso al mundo político y laboral. ¿Cómo se expresan en México esos cambios que las condiciones sociohistóricas producen en las prácticas y los sentimientos? ¿Cómo construyen hoy en día su praxis mujeres que habitan zonas geohistóricamente marginadas? ¿Cuál es la relación de la reconfiguración del mandato de la feminidad que hoy es patente entre ciertas mujeres con el pensamiento feminista? Para responder estas interrogantes se analiza el caso de cuatro mujeres del estado de Guerrero (una de las entidades más violentas de México) que han luchado y luchan contra el machismo, el abuso militar y el poder fáctico del narco.

"Kamandaki's Nītisāra, or The Essence of Politics, redefined the field of political thought in early medieval India and became one of the most influential works in the genre across South and Southeast Asia. It was likely written during or shortly after the Gupta Empire (c. 325-550 C.E.) and enjoyed wide popularity for nearly a millennium. An elegant introduction to the intricacies of statecraft, The Essence of Politics encompasses virtually all aspects of elite social life, making it indispensable for generals, spies, ministers, and other members of the royal court, especially poets writing about war and conquest. Addressed directly to the king, its lessons range from the finer points of military strategy and economic policy to the moral qualities of effective rulers. Kamandaki anchors political practice in intellectual and spiritual discipline. His model of leadership, based on self-control and personal cultivation, is as relevant today as it was in its own time. The Sanskrit text, presented here in the Devanagari script, accompanies a new English prose translation"--

Politics in the Development World.Peter Burnell y Vicky Randall. Nueva York: Oxford University Press,2005.

In Politics, one week can be a long time. The last couple of weeks in the Democratic Primary have dramatically changed the political landscape. Obama's "golden boy"image has suffered major setbacks and those asking for Hillary to quit now appear to have discovered a new "glow" surrounding her political persona.First there was that San Francisco speech in which Obama, with anthropological detachment, observed that he perfectly understood why people in mid-town America were "bitter" as their jobs "were being exported overseas" and as a consequence, were "clinging to their religion and their guns." This, together with other silly anecdotes during his campaign in Pennsylvania which purportedly showed a lack of connection with the common man (including his bad bowling scores, his discomfort in sitting around in a bar and sharing a beer with the locals, and his preference for arugula salad!), won him the label of elitist and out of touch with blue collar workers. These missteps were also well-exploited by Hillary Clinton, who in contrast with Obama, during the same campaigning route, portrayed herself as a "regular working gal", conquered the white blue-collar vote and did much better than expected in the wealthy Philadelphia suburbs. Thus, she won handily in Pennsylvania, and was able to extend the momentum gained in Ohio and Texas. Although it appears as a mathematical certainty that Obama will win the delegate count, she is still ahead in superdelegates, but, more importantly, Obama seems to be losing ground fast. If she wins Indiana and Obama gets North Carolina this coming Tuesday, the agony goes on.Bill Clinton is already talking about the popular vote (which Hillary is winning clearly if Florida votes count). That decision will most likely be made at the National Convention in August, if by then there is no declared winner.In the meantime, Obama has had to deal with the "Reverend problem", as Rev. Jeremiah Wright continued to damage his national image. When Barack denounced his anti-America sermons and declarations (the latest one being a claim that the US government had "invented the HIV virus as a means of genocide against people of color"), Wright replied that "he was a politician, and that is what politicians do," thus aiming at debunking the myth that Obama is a new type of leader, a Washington outsider. This led to Michelle Obama's appearances in CNN and NBC to try to damage control or, as she put it, to "define ourselves and not let other people define us." Her strong, intelligent and straightforward demeanor may have partially succeeded in restoring his image as a leader who is in it not for power but because he sincerely believes he can change the country; while she her certainty might have reassured followers, the Jeremiah Wright story will not go away so easily. How much this has hurt Obama's chances in the Primary still remains to be seen, but, more importantly, it may have inflicted a deadly wound to his national chances at the Presidency.Politics is a complex phenomenon and public opinion is fickle. Voters have little time to follow the vicissitudes of a campaign, to understand the nuances of ideas and policies, to make well-informed decisions on which candidate will better represent them. In fact, that is the main value of political parties: to help people make sense of politics. Their role is to offer clear and consistent policy positions so voters can make up their minds on which party better represents their values, needs and demands, to aggregate the vote and articulate voters interests. But they also must appeal to deeper feelings and emotions, and generate symbols of identification and allegiance, in order to mobilize people to participate.Several new phenomena are at play in this election and political strategists are bewildered by them. The first is the premise that we are beyond partisan politics and ideologies. This is Barack Obama's claim, that his style of "new politics" transcends ideological barriers and crosses over political parties. That there are no more "red states" and "blue states", just people with similar problems. That he can appeal to people everywhere and from all political convictions by focusing on their individual values, needs and demands. That the old divides, namely, Market versus State, Private versus Public, Rich versus Poor, White versus Black, don't apply anymore. He posits that those frameworks are the wrong questions to ask, he talks about the new politics of unity, and he reassures them that he will rule for all. And his historical example is Ronald Reagan, who won over to his side the "Reagan Democrats". Regardless of the fact that this is the wrong analogy (that could be the subject of a different article), the main problem is that perhaps at this point in time, post-ideological politics may not be good politics, and will not win the election. He concedes important ideological points that should instead be argued. This is what has given Hillary the momentum: she went back to basics, and is speaking to each group directly, stating her "bread and butter policies first" positions in clear, pragmatic terms. Her upbeat, clear-eyed mood is more appealing to many than his "egg-head", post-modern intellectual analysis. That is why he has the PhDs and she has the blue collar vote.The next problem that bemuses political thinkers is the fact that, at a time when Bush's approval ratings are the lowest in the history of Gallup (27% on job performance, 21% on the economy), John Mc Cain continues to run very close to his Democratic rivals (Obama leads him 46% to 43% and Clinton 45% to 44%). When voters are asked which party they would prefer to win the election, over 44 per cent say Democratic. Of Independents (one third of the electorate, which will have the decisive vote) two-to-one prefer Democrats. So why is John Mc Cain still doing so well? The answer can be found is his likability and his proven independence from the party in several instances during his Senate career. In an extremely skillful slalom motion, he has been able to first win back the conservative majority of the Republican party by supporting the troop surge in Iraq and gaining a bland Bush endorsement (no easy feat given his positions on immigration, campaign-finance reform and his criticism of the way the war in Iraq was executed, and then succeeded in moving away from Bush as fast as possible, visiting New Orleans and portraying himself as a caring protector of the poor.Although voters disagree with him on main issues, such as staying in Iraq for as long as it takes, they trust him, his sincerity, his patriotism and his values. His age does not appear to be a problem. But this dichotomy between lack of support for the party and favorable ratings for the candidate could be interpreted as another indication that parties are in demise. But the paradox here is that this decline in party allegiance is not for the post-modern reasons we have pointed out above (demise of ideologies of Left and Right, emergence of a range of post-material political issues such as the environment, consumer rights, and lifestyle choices). Instead, here we are confronted with an older type of politics, one that precededideologies, namely a more personalistic style of politics, based on primordial feelings about leaders who embody the Rousseauan will of the people. This is much more likely to be found in European "continental" and Latin American political cultures than in the Anglo-Saxon ones, where modern mass based representative parties were invented.If modern democracy in inconceivable without political parties, as Shattschneider and Schumpeter concluded, will charisma alone be enough to carry representative government forward? And, if the Primary goes his way, will the charisma of a Washington outsider and political dreamer trump the one of a down to earth Senator of Arizona? Will the issue of race play a role in the national election? Faced with the choice of a black candidate with admirable academic credentials but unproven political record running for the favorite party, and a white patriot representing a highly discredited party, who will Americans vote for? Political analysts and historians will have to wait at least until this November to sort all this out. Senior Lecturer, Department of Political Science and Geography Director, ODU Model United Nations Program Old Dominion University, Norfolk, Virginia

En este artículo analizo seis ejemplos distintos por épocas y procedencia sociocultural de mezclas entre la publicidad y la política. Tres casos en los que tres sujetos políticos (Zapatero, ABC, Partido Comunista Italiano) emplean la publicidad en sus discursos políticos para alcanzar sus fines socio-discursivos, y tres casos en los que tres sujetos comerciales (Quilmes, Axe, M&M's) emplean la política en sus discursos publicitarios para alcanzar sus fines socio-discursivos. Mediante el análisis de estos seis casos pretendo demostrar que, aunque tengan lugar «préstamos cruzados» entre estos dos dominios semióticos y sociales, la relación entre la política y la publicidad está lejos de ser simétrica, siendo el publicitario un discurso totalizante, que fagocita el discurso político, como muchos otros, banalizándolo. ; In this paper I will analyze six cases of mix between politics and advertising. In the first three examples three political subjects (Zapatero, ABC, Partido Comunista Italiano) employs advertising in their political discourse in order to achieve their social and discursive ends. In the last three examples, three commercial subjects (Quilmes, Axe, M&M's) employs politics in their commercial discourse in order to achieve their social and discursive ends. Through the analysis of these six cases, I will show that, even if reciprocal borrowings exist between these two semiotic and social domains, the relation between Politics and Advertising is not symmetrical. Actually the advertising discourse phagocytes political discourse (as many other ones), banalizing it.

El propósito de este trabajo es analizar las campañas electorales organizadas por los candidatos y los partidos políticos durante el proceso de elecciones presidenciales de 2018 en México. Se aborda desde la perspectiva teórica del pluralismo democrático como condición política necesaria para el desarrollo de prácticas políticas y de comunicación novedosas, las que se caracterizaron, por un lado, por la flexibilización de las plataformas ideológicas tradicionales de los principales partidos competidores, que dotaron de un carácter especialmente pragmático a este proceso al formalizar coaliciones políticas inéditas. Y, por otro lado, esta condición democrática facilitó el despliegue de estrategias de comunicación que por sus características se denominan: tierra, digital y aire, en las cuales se usaron de forma intensiva recursos financieros, técnicos y humanos autorizados por el INE para dar a conocer sus proyectos de gobierno, incrementando la interacción entre candidatos y electores y promoviendo con ello la pluralización política del votante y la participación electoral de forma dirigida.

Con la elección de Francisco I comenzaron a circular diferentes lecturas sobre una nueva etapa de la Iglesia católica. Algunas declaraciones del Papa generaron un clima de expectativas y una corriente de opinión favorable sobre su pontificado. En este marco, nos preguntamos por la política sexual de la Iglesia católica en la etapa iniciada por el nuevo Pontificado. Con este objetivo, analizamos las principales declaraciones públicas de Francisco I sobre sexualidad (homosexualidad, aborto) y la concreción del Sínodo de la Familia como instancia en la que la Iglesia debate su postura oficial sobre moral sexual. El trabajo identifica una serie de desplazamientos como emergentes de una política de dislocación que permiten caracterizar el posicionamiento del Papa sobre el orden sexual.