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Fear is fast becoming - if it has not already become - a central object of analysis for understanding today's politics. As fear is, supposedly, increasingly saturating our everyday lives, politicians and political strategists of all ideological stripes are rediscovering that fear is a handy tool in influencing voters. Our argument, however, is that rather than simply seeing the most recent exercise of a "politics of fear," our contemporary moment is distinguished by the emergence of "fear as politics". The paper argues that rather than fear acting as an expedient but ad hoc political tool, it has become the de facto essence of politics. Fear now provides the impetus and reason for politics, substituting other sources of legitimation of power such as democracy, justice, and the common good. The argument of the authors is being developed in a three-step process. Firstly - the authors argue - fear has become a projection of the political will aiming at changing existing order - that is to say that fear becomes the main reason and main motive for institutional / social change domestically and internationally. Secondly, fear cements power relations by creating a new "political dogma", a supra-ideology of sorts that being trans-ideological in spectrum (that is to say, "fear" becomes enclosed in every current ideology from populism to neo-conservatism), and shapes and restricts social imagination and political action. Thirdly - authors continue - fear provides alternative legitimization of state authority and action (that is to say that fear provides justification and sense of purpose for those in power). The authors have provided a set of interlocked ideas to show that fear can be rationalized, operationalized, that it is imbedded into diversified social strata, included into mainstream politics, politically utilized and form a bedrock of the new regnum (with a rationality based on fear) by whoever play politics.

Political philosophy, that rather disreputable, not very philosophical branch of philosophy, has always wanted to get out of politics, to put an end to this politics of politics, by finally speaking its truth. Ideally, the fond -est desire may be to find or invent a politics unaffected by the politics of politics (a truly moral politics, perhaps, of the kind Kant seems to encourage), but that desire is metaphysical through and through. So-called "cheap politics" is engaged in the politics of politics as soon as that phenomenon is engaged in politics, i.e. from the very first, "naturally" as Aristotle put it. The logos of politics is irreducibly affected by the kind of distortion and deceit that is usually – moralistically – associated with rhetoric or sophistry, with "spin tactics". Politics is always already the politics of politics.Key words: politics of politics, sophistry, spin tactics, rhetorical figure, politics of truth. ; Political philosophy, that rather disreputable, not very philosophical branch of philosophy, has always wanted to get out of politics, to put an end to this politics of politics, by finally speaking its truth. Ideally, the fond -est desire may be to find or invent a politics unaffected by the politics of politics (a truly moral politics, perhaps, of the kind Kant seems to encourage), but that desire is metaphysical through and through. So-called "cheap politics" is engaged in the politics of politics as soon as that phenomenon is engaged in politics, i.e. from the very first, "naturally" as Aristotle put it. The logos of politics is irreducibly affected by the kind of distortion and deceit that is usually – moralistically – associated with rhetoric or sophistry, with "spin tactics". Politics is always already the politics of politics.Key words: politics of politics, sophistry, spin tactics, rhetorical figure, politics of truth.

The features of Ukrainian social politics are considered based on research of the existing in foreign and home science going near understanding of social politics. The study examined the impact of market reforms on the development of the state social policy in Ukraine. The specific of social politics is exposed. The contradiction in the acceptance of political decisions in this sphere is certain. The general trends in the transformation of social policy, reflecting the specific functioning of the welfare state under conditions of market transformations are educed. The basic lacks of realization of social politics in Ukraine are certain. It is proved that the existing system of social protection requires significant improvement, because a significant portion of the population lives below the poverty line, has a low level of well-being. It was revealed that the social policy of Ukraine has a number of drawbacks, namely: non-transparent legislative framework, the presence of a large number of inefficient social benefits, imperfect system of financing and bureaucracy in the bodies of social protection and the like. It is proved that the improvement of the social security system should be based on improving the organizational, legal, financial measures provided by relevant government programs that need to be focused on economic development and improving living standards.

In the article the mechanisms of legal regulation of French language are analyzed. Particular attention is paid to politicians in France, as initiators and developers of regulations in support of national language. Speech portraits of representatives of French political elite are considered,politiciansviolations of standardliterary French are identified. ; В статье анализируются механизмы законодательного регулирования французского языка. Особое внимание уделяется политическим деятелям Франции, выступающим инициаторами и разработчиками нормативных актов в поддержку национального языка. Рассматривается речевой портрет представителей французской политической элиты, выявляются случаи нарушения политиками литературной нормы французского языка.

Student unrest of 1956 in Soviet universities is examined based on the example of the Ural State University and the Ural Polytechnic Institute in Sverdlovsk. Student attitudes are analyzed in terms of social and critical thinking, and the reaction of authorities — in light of the policy towards the intelligentsia. The theoretical and methodological frame of analysis is constructivism, with emphasis put on aspects of bilateral, reciprocal design and temporality. The empirical base consists of documents from the collections of the Documentation Centre of the Social Institutions of Sverdlovsk Region, the University Museum, as well as materials from local and national press. The mid 1950's were marked by a radical revision of the limits of acceptable criticism, which was unfolding until the end of 1956. Unorthodox activity was not regarded as seditious up until a point. The gap, interval between the original action and the resulting stigmatizing mark shows how such a notion crystallized. At some point it seemed as if you could criticize everyone and everything. It is shown that the most crucial effect was produced not by the theme of student statements but rather by a mismatch in the magnitude of the subjects and objects of public criticism. The position of authorities was to depoliticize student activity, while using such a relatively new course as pathologizing objectification: the younger generation was treated as a bearer of specific problems requiring special attention. "Labor education" with emphasis on hard physical labor was used as the universal lifesaver. Sundays at construction sites, hedgehog-fit visits to farms, as well as sending expelled students to factories inform the phenomenon of organic intellectuals "on the contrary" (in the words of A. Gramsci and N. Savelyeva). At the same time, the pragmatic benefits of resolving to admit to universities only those who had sufficient work experience was not reduced to disposing of students' "unhealthy moods", but rather "postponement" of higher education was to attract the youngsters to the virgin lands and construction sites. Students themselves insisted on the political connotations of their actions. The desire of the young generation to "catch the winds of history in their sails" was gradually accumulated in the concept of romance, which had yet to displace the patriotism and heroism that prevailed within the ideological orientations and the official rhetoric of the 50's. © 2020, Federal Center of Theoretical and Applied Sociology of the Russian Academy of Sciences. All rights reserved.

In the present article the author tried to analyze the processes underway in the world political arena, give his assessments concerning some new global challenges and threats in the post-COVID period. He made an attempt to give a brief review of the current role and place of Uzbekistan in the regional and international politics.

The article deals with the current topic of manipulation in politics. The author makes scientific analysis of this phenomenon and tells about identify hidden mechanisms of manipulation, classification of manipulation and study the impact of manipulation on the values and behavior of people. For the first time the manipulations of cause-and-effect relations are considered, including the well-known experiment "universe 25". These manipulations are aimed at influencing the values of a person and cause the belief in the impossibility of social transformations aimed at significantly improving the quality of life and social relations. The author is convinced that the study of manipulation by the scientific community, and further teaching the ability to resist manipulation will make the population less susceptible to political manipulation and more free in their political choice. The author believes that manipulation in politics is, on the one hand, a serious scientific problem, and, on the other hand, a topic of interest in politicized groups of social networks, as well as a frequent subject of popular science materials. Political manipulation affects the value worldview of people and their behavior, the problems of manipulation in politics is closely related to a larger range of other political problems. ; В статье рассматривается актуальная тема манипуляций в политике, указывается на необходимость научного анализа данного явления, необходимость выявления скрытых механизмов манипуляций, классификации манипуляций и исследования влияние манипуляций на ценностные установки и поведение людей. Впервые рассматриваются манипуляции причинно-следственными связями, в том числе именно так классифицируется известный эксперимент «Вселенная 25». Данные манипуляции имеют цель повлиять на ценностные установки человека и вызвать убеждение в невозможности социальных преобразований, направленных на существенное улучшение качества жизни и социальных отношений. Автор убеждён, что изучение манипуляций научным сообществом, и в дальнейшем преподавание умения противостоять манипуляциям сделают население менее поддатливым на политические манипуляции и более свободным в своём политическом выборе. Автор считает, что манипуляции в политике – это, с одной стороны, серьёзная научная проблема, а, с другой стороны, тема, вызывающая интерес в политизированных группах социальных сетей, а также частый предмет научно-популярных материалов. Политические манипуляции влияют на ценностные мировоззренческие установки людей и на их поведение, то с проблемами манипуляций в политике тесно связан больший круг других политических проблем.

Article is devoted to the philosophical analysis of actual situation of humanities and the problem of their social role. The political role of humanities lies primarily in promoting the creation of public space. It gives a possibility do develop the human skills which are needed to be an active public agent. The purpose of the article deals with the concretization of public role of humanities which can be presented as different politics. Results. In the article the following politics are presented: politics of ideal (refers to a certain ideal of liberal education which is based on the liberal arts); politics of meaning and sense (it concerns the recognition of meanings, including those that constitute the social and political worlds); politics of sensuality (it connected with performativity as manner to create and comprehend the social and political worlds; also it can be explained as distribution of sensuality in context of J. Ranciere's conception of aesthetics as politics); politics of reconfiguration of discourse (it deals with elaboration of rules of communication on social problems); politics of imagination (the influence on structure of social world with using of imagination and fantasy); politics of responsivity (the comprehension of alien subjectivity), politics of memory (the formation of culture of memory). Originality. The different "politics" of humanities are presented as specific because they are connected with specific of human sciences' cognition. We deals not with objectivity that is directed to the explanation of world as closed system, but we have open system of interpersonal interaction. This interpersonal interaction can structure and configure social and political spheres. Conclusion. The politics of humanities are not separate each other. They are crosscutting, creating horizon ability to influence the public sphere.

Conflicts about the Past are no less characteristic of the United States than of European countries, although there they are more often referred to as a variant of culture wars. They are especially pronounced during periods of internal political crises, since the role of foreign policy in American discourse is almost negligible. Thus, memory of the World War II in the United States was used to unite the nation and did not, unlike in many European countries, become a basis for conflict with its neighbors. The article demonstrates how the two harshest conflicts over the Past in the last quarter century were connected with the crises, first of the Republican Party (the case of the Enola Gay exhibition in 1995), and then the Democratic Party (the case of the removal of Confederate monuments in 2017). The attack on the symbols of the Past after they ascribed to them negative meanings allows activists to mobilize supporters and overcome the ideological vacuum characteristic of a critical period. In other cases, both regarding the foreign policy "apologies for the USA" or the protests of the Italo-Americans after the authorities' rejection to commemorate Christopher Columbus, conflicts did not acquire national character. ; Конфликты по поводу прошлого характерны для Соединенных Штатов в неменьшей степени, чем для европейских стран, хотя там их чаще относят к разновидности «культурных войн». Они особенно ярко проявляются в периоды внутриполитических кризисов, поскольку роль внешней политики в американском дискурсе чрезвычайно мала. Так, память о Второй мировой войне в США использовалась исключительно для сплочения нации и не стала, в отличие от многих европейских стран, основанием для конфликта с соседями. В статье показано, как два крупнейших конфликта по поводу прошлого в последнюю четверть века связаны с кризисом сначала республиканской партии (случай выставки «Энола Гэй» в 1995 г.), а затем демократической партии (случай сноса памятников конфедератам в 2017 г.). Атака на символы прошлого, которым приписывается негативное значение, позволяет активистам мобилизовать сторонников и преодолеть идейный вакуум, характерный для кризисного момента. В других случаях по поводу как внешнеполитических «извинений за США», так и протестов италоамериканцев в связи с отказом от коммеморации Христофора Колумба, конфликт не приобретает общенационального характера.

The object of the research is the regional policy of the Republic of Armenia in the post-Soviet space in the XXI century. The subject of the research is the economic, strategic, foreign policy relations of the Republic of Armenia with the countries of the post-Soviet space, in particular with Russia. Armenia's relations with the countries of the Middle East region, the United States and the European Union and their influence on the regional policy of Armenia in the post-Soviet space The aim of the work is to examine the regional policy of the Republic of Armenia in the post-Soviet space. Analytical and comparative methods are used to analyze the problems under study. The analysis resulted in the identification of positive and negative trends in the development of the regional policy of Armenia, its economy and strategic position in the post-Soviet space. As well as identifying the dynamics in relations with Russia, the CIS countries, the countries of the West and the East. The scientific novelty lies in the study of the current state of the regional policy of Armenia after 2010 and its analysis.

В статье рассматриваются специфические черты реляционных имен в современной англоязычной политической коммуникации.

The analysis of normatively – legal acts of adjusting of registration politics of enterprise is conducted in the article. The article is devoted to theoretical substantiation of certain critical accounting policies, investigated the nature and purpose of accounting policies. It is proved that the accounting policy is developed individually by each enterprise and is designed to ensure the reliability and accuracy of their financial information system. Therowoffactorsofinfluenceiscertainonachoiceandgroundofregistrationpolitics. The stages of construction of registration politics are worked out. It is educed that in labours of home and foreign scientists large attention is spared to the aspects of registration politics: methodical, technical and organizational. Development and claim of registration politics are the important stage during creation of any enterprise, on the skill fully formed registration politics efficiency of management of enterprise economic activity and strategy of his development depend on the protracted prospect. ; У статті теоретично обґрунтовано та висвітлено окремі важливі елементи облікової політики. Досліджено нормативно-правове забезпечення різних аспектів облікової політики. Наведено характеристику основних нормативно-правових актів, що регламентують облікову політику в Україні. Проведено літературний пошук визначення змісту категорії «облікова політика». Розглянуто етапи формування облікової політики та основні чинники. Досліджено теоретичні аспекти окремих важливих елементів облікової політики.

Main objective of the article is to investigate traits of the institutional process in social politics of the European countries, which compiled an advanced experience in this aspect. Relevance of the study is accounted by the fact that for the first time in the Ukrainian scientific literature the complex research is used as to the essence of social politics concepts and institutional formations on the basis of foreign historiography providing the institutional analysis broadening. Such an approach contributes to perception of social politics as a public institution, which formation and development are predetermined by the public relations whole system functioning, which enables to evaluate a social politics as a complex, multilateral evolutional system. Given research is based on such methods as analysis, synthesis, deduction, modeling, as well as on evolutional, comparative, and system approaches. The main results of the study include the following conclusions. Firstly, it is stated that the achievements of the modern civilization development strategy stimulate social progress, which is to be provided by a certain legislation to guarantee human rights. Social politics of the EU is worked out and realized on two levels – all-union and within the framework of national states. That's why the article uses such terms as "social politics of EU" and "national social politics of a certain country". Rather significant is the concept of universalism dealing with distribution of resources among all members of a society and been interpreted as a fundamental principle of social politics. An accent is made on marginal and institutional aspects in the field of social politics. It should be especially noted that the workers social rights institutionalization was a turning point in determining their citizenship and socialization. Social rights got by the workers, became an important factor of the society modernization, in which both men and women got rid off a routine and paternalistic social order.

The article discusses securitization of memory politics and identity politics as a part of academic tools and some kind of political tools. The author characterizes the process of securitization analyzing both academic and political discourse of the last decade. The securitization of the politics of memory and identity, as well as the politicization of history are reflected in academic publications and political declarations, pouring out into hot discussions, debates, wars of memory, struggle of identities. Research findings can create basis for a political turn or a new foreign policy course. Securitization puts the category of identity in the context of international security while identity politics could be used as a soft power element or foreign policy tool. There has been a turn towards defining identity politics as a concrete ideological weapon that can be used against opponents in the ideological and political struggle. This significantly changes meaning of identity politics. The author considers that in scientific analysis it is advisable to avoid extreme politization of identity. ; Рассматривается секьюритизация политики памяти и идентичности как приема научного анализа и элемента политического инструментария. Автор характеризует этот процесс на основе изучения научного и политического дискурса последних лет. Секьюритизация политики памяти и идентичности, а также политизация истории находят отражение в научных публикациях и выступлениях политических лидеров, проявляясь в виде острых дискуссий, дебатов, войн памяти, борьбы идентичностей. Результаты исследовательских трудов могут создавать интеллектуальную основу для политического поворота или нового внешнеполитического курса. Секьюритизация переводит категорию политики идентичности в контекст международной безопасности, когда политика идентичности может быть использована как элемент мягкой силы или внешнеполитический инструмент. Наметился поворот к тому, чтобы определять политику идентичности как конкретное идеологическое оружие, которое может быть использовано против оппонентов в идеологической и политической борьбе. Это существенно меняет смыслы политики идентичности. Автор считает, что в научном анализе желательно избегать экстремальной политизации использования идентичности.

В данной статье представлена глава из книги "Политический язык: успех слова и провал политики", в которой описаны различные аспекты и приемы политического дискурса.