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International audience Based on the 60's television archives, sources that are by and large ignored in research, this paper describes the women's work in the social housing, in the high-rise estates. What kind of activities and attitudes, what kind of knowledge and expertise are shown on TV ? This paper is centered on two women. One does household chores all day long whereas the other is involved in the community social work. The women's work is analysed by crossing the Reconstruction politics into the postwar period, the empowerment of women and the documentary films from the Sixties. It emerges between the professional sector and the militancy. It is shown from various angles: in these films, the women are : a housewife, a specialist of Home Economics, a shopekeeper, a community organizer, a visiting nurse. Often, they are all of these. The empowerment of women from the working-class comes up on the screen. ; L'article décrit le travail des femmes dans les grands ensembles en s'appuyant sur des sources encore peu exploitées – les nombreuses archives télévisuelles des années 1960. Quelles pratiques et quelles attitudes, quels savoirs et savoirs faire sont alors mis en vue par les documentaires de la télévision ? L'article se concentre particulièrement sur deux femmes : l'une se consacre sans relâche au travail domestique tandis que l'autre s'investit dans l'action sociale communautaire pour le quartier. Ce métier de femmes en HLM prend consistance au croisement de la politique de construction de l'après-guerre, de l'émancipation des femmes et des expériences documentaires de la télévision des années 1960. Il se construit en tension entre le champ militant et le champ professionnel. Il apparaît sous de multiples facettes puisque les personnages filmés sont femme au foyer, conseillère ménagère, commerçante, animatrice-militante, ou encore infirmière à domicile. Et bien souvent, tout ça à la fois. Les effets de l'urbanisation sur l'émancipation des femmes de milieu populaire affleurent alors à l'écran.

I would like to explain in this article how family photography became a research object for me, and how it helped to influence my work in Albanian society. I would also like to return to the questions raised by the research project "Family photography in the Mediterranean, from intimate to politics", and place the articles that make up this dossier in relation to the state of the research on this topic. In this way, the aim of this article is to contribute to the methodological and theoretical formation of family photography as a research object. Despite continued but still marginal interest in family photography in social sciences since the 1960s, it can be noted that there is no unified approach that would allow it to be addressed in its diversity (in time and space) and in its various aspects. It therefore seems necessary to discuss the multiple research questions from the family photograph and to reflect on the comparative and interdisciplinary dimensions it entails. ; International audience ; I would like to explain in this article how family photography became a research object for me, and how it helped to influence my work in Albanian society. I would also like to return to the questions raised by the research project "Family photography in the Mediterranean, from intimate to politics", and place the articles that make up this dossier in relation to the state of the research on this topic. In this way, the aim of this article is to contribute to the methodological and theoretical formation of family photography as a research object. Despite continued but still marginal interest in family photography in social sciences since the 1960s, it can be noted that there is no unified approach that would allow it to be addressed in its diversity (in time and space) and in its various aspects. It therefore seems necessary to discuss the multiple research questions from the family photograph and to reflect on the comparative and interdisciplinary dimensions it entails. ; Je voudrais exposer dans cet article la ...

The real differences in economic performance between euro area countries make it necessary to define an economic policy geared towards the reindustrialisation of certain regions in Europe. In a world characterised by irreversibility of investment and imperfection of market information, structural reforms should consist of establishing a set of measures to support both competition and cooperation between the various innovation actors, and to enable successful business strategies. This requires rethinking national and European policies to support growth, i.e. industrial policy, competition policy, labour market policy, regional policy, financial policy. However, a change in Europe's industrial landscape will only be possible if a new macroeconomic policy prevents the inappropriate destruction of productive capacities. ; Les divergences réelles de performances économiques entre les pays de la zone euro rendent nécessaire de définir une politique économique orientée vers la ré-industrialisation de certaines régions en Europe. Dans un monde caractérisé par l'irréversibilité des investissements et l'imperfection des informations de marché, les réformes structurelles devraient consister à établir un ensemble de mesures destinées à soutenir à la fois la concurrence et la coopération entre les différents acteurs de l'innovation, et de permettre la réussite des stratégies des entreprises. Cela requiert de reconsidérer les politiques nationales et européennes de soutien à la croissance, c'est-à-dire, la politique industrielle, la politique de la concurrence, la politique du marché du travail, la politique régionale, la politique financière. Cependant, un changement du paysage industriel de l'Europe ne sera possible qu'à la condition qu'une nouvelle politique macroéconomique prévienne la destruction inappropriée de capacités productives.

The article introduced to agricultural modernisation in Ethiopia. He stressed a structural constraint on rural and agricultural development: strong state leadership at local level. It presents the local conditions for the dissemination and adoption of a technological package by farmers in various regions and envisages local management both as a political dynamic for the exercise of power and as a territorial network of the state apparatus. ; International audience ; The article introduced to agricultural modernisation in Ethiopia. He stressed a structural constraint on rural and agricultural development: strong state leadership at local level. It presents the local conditions for the dissemination and adoption of a technological package by farmers in various regions and envisages local management both as a political dynamic for the exercise of power and as a territorial network of the state apparatus. ; L'article introduit à la modernisation agricole en Éthiopie. Il insiste sur une contrainte structurelle du développement rural et agricole : le fort encadrement de l'État au niveau local. Il présente les conditions locales de diffusion et d'adoption d'un paquet technologique par des paysans de diverses régions et envisage l'encadrement local à la fois comme une dynamique politique d'exercice du pouvoir et à la fois comme un maillage territorial de l'appareil d'État.

The aim of this article is to analyse some contemporary practice of refusal in the field of 'politics', and to (re) embrace the long tradition of civil disobedience. ; The aim of this article is to analyse some of the most important contemporary practices of refusal that take place in the field of "politics", and to (re)inscribe them in the long tradition of civil disobedience. Firstly, we will consider civil disobedience in its "classical" form, defining it as the refusal to obey to one or some laws that govern citizens. We will sketch the five major characteristics of this "classical" form of civil disobedience on the basis of Henry David Thoreau's famous essay Resistance to Civil Government (1849). Secondly, we will study two specific but displaced figures that civil disobedience takes in our times - namely, the struggles of migrants in Italy and Greece during the year 2010 and the fights of the English ecologist group Climate Camp. In so doing, we will highlight the principal transformations of civil disobedience through the study of three innovative axes that we denominate "counter-uses", "active disobediences" and "movements of the intolerable". Our conclusion will be that, in order to understand these contemporary political practices of refusal, we must recognize in the disobedient subject an active "supplement" to the simple act of subtraction from power made in the name of a civil responsibility. ; The aim of this article is to analyse some contemporary practice of refusal in the field of 'politics', and to (re) embrace the long tradition of civil disobedience. ; Le but de cet article est d'analyser quelque pratique contemporaine de refus qui se joue dans le champ de la " politique ", et de la (ré)inscrire dans la longue tradition de la désobéissance civile.

International audience As an activist Catholic, a "Gaullist" and a member of the French resistance, Edmond Michelet was considered by his friends in politics as the man open to dialogue with the communists because of their solidarity in the concentration camps. This experience was the climax of an evolution which enabled this former member of "Action Française" to discover some of the values of the left, which he understood during the interwar years, or even shared during the dark years 1940-1944, but which he then opposed when gaullism was triumphant. Was it a sublimated Christian ideal, a renewed matrix of uncompromising Catholicism or a new form of secular ministry? Michelet's relationship with the left turns out to be complex. It sheds light on his political and intellectual path, and explains part of the specificity that this man, who was more inclined to action than to speculative reflection, would never stop cultivating. ; Militant catholique, résistant et gaulliste, Edmond Michelet est considéré par ses amis politiques comme l'homme du dialogue avec les communistes, dans la solidarité des camps de concentration. Cette expérience-limite est la ligne de faîte d'une évolution qui conduit cet ancien de l'Action Française à découvrir certaines valeurs de la gauche, tantôt pour les comprendre dans l'entre-deux-guerres, tantôt pour les partager, pendant les années noires 1940-1944, tantôt pour les combattre au temps du gaullisme triomphant. Idéal chrétien sublimé, matrice renouvelée du catholicisme intransigeant ou forme nouvelle d'apostolat laïc ? La relation de Michelet à la gauche s'avère complexe. Elle éclaire une partie de son itinéraire politique et intellectuel et explique une part de la spécificité que cet homme plus porté à l'action qu'à la réflexion spéculative ne cessera jamais de cultiver.

Actes of the international colloquium "L'Intime et le politique" ; International audience ; Actes of the international colloquium "L'Intime et le politique" ; Actes du colloque international "L'intime et le politique"

article published in 'Laboratoire Italiane', X, 2010: http://laboratoireitalien.revues.org/536 article published in "Italian Laboratory. Politics and Societies', X, 2010 On the basis of the analysis of the dispatches and Relazioni of the Venetian ambassadors, the article focuses on foreign political observers' perception of the major change in the Kingdom of France when the religious conflict began. In particular, the great underestimation of French religious problems up to the conjuration of Amboise, the insistence on the obesity of the French people and the absolute power of the King, before religious divisions upset the physionomy of the Kingdom, and the diversity of each ambassador's judgement on events and characters. See also: http://laboratoireitalien.revues.org/536 ; International audience ; article published in 'Laboratoire Italiane', X, 2010: http://laboratoireitalien.revues.org/536 article published in "Italian Laboratory. Politics and Societies', X, 2010 On the basis of the analysis of the dispatches and Relazioni of the Venetian ambassadors, the article focuses on foreign political observers' perception of the major change in the Kingdom of France when the religious conflict began. In particular, the great underestimation of French religious problems up to the conjuration of Amboise, the insistence on the obesity of the French people and the absolute power of the King, before religious divisions upset the physionomy of the Kingdom, and the diversity of each ambassador's judgement on events and characters. See also: http://laboratoireitalien.revues.org/536 ; article publié dans "Laboratoire italien", X, 2010: http://laboratoireitalien.revues.org/536 Article publié dans "Laboratoire italien. Politique et sociétés", X, 2010 Sur la base de l'analyse des dépêches et des Relazioni des ambassadeurs vénitiens, l'article se concentre sur la perception qu'ont les observateurs politiques étrangers de la grande mutation du royaume de France lors du déclenchement du conflit religieux. On remarque notamment la ...

National hearing. Among the public scientific controversy, those on the effects of radioactivity are of particular importance because of their regular return to the public scene. This article examines the emergence of such "rebound controversy" by analysing the role of this particular form of controversy in the public formulation of a problem and its political responsibility. He focused on the Cold War period in which the main terms of a debate between science and politics were formulated and paradoxical responses to crisis management were formed. ; Among scientific public controversies, those concerning the effects of radioactivity have a special place due to the fact that they regularly return into the public stage. This article examines the birth of these recurring controversies by analysing the role of this particular form, controversy, in the public formulation of an issue and in its political treatment. It deals especially with the Cold War period during which the principal terms of a debate between science and politics were formulated and paradoxical answers to crisis management were formed. ; National hearing. Among the public scientific controversy, those on the effects of radioactivity are of particular importance because of their regular return to the public scene. This article examines the emergence of such "rebound controversy" by analysing the role of this particular form of controversy in the public formulation of a problem and its political responsibility. He focused on the Cold War period in which the main terms of a debate between science and politics were formulated and paradoxical responses to crisis management were formed. ; National audience Parmi les controverses publiques à caractère scientifique, celles sur les effets de la radioactivité tiennent une place particulière du fait de leur retour régulier sur la scène publique. Cet article examine la naissance de ces « controverses à rebond » en analysant le rôle de cette forme particulière qu'est la controverse dans la formulation publique ...

In this article we critically read Nature Policies, Bruno Latour, especially when it comes to "politics" and "nature". ; International audience ; In this article we critically read Nature Policies, Bruno Latour, especially when it comes to "politics" and "nature". ; Dans cet article nous procédons à une lecture critique de Politiques de la nature, de Bruno Latour, notamment quand il est question de "politique" et de "nature".

Male, Sexual and Politics: this is a telling title for a book that presents itself as a test of the fundamentals of the masculinity (or virility) of power, a question about the link between political domination and sexuality. The words of his author, Armelle Le Bras-Chopard — the first and one of the few women aggregated professors of political science in France — is to recall a first truth, which is readily highlighted by ethnologists, although more often hidden by politicians and historians: it is in the name of sexuality that women have been excluded from all forms of power. She focused on France, described as the 'paradigm of male domination'. In this respect, the return to 'the Roman adventure of the salic law' makes it possible to take proper account of the French exception: "being governed by a woman is possible in all other countries, but unimaginable in France" (p. 192). [First paragraph] ; Le masculin, le sexuel et le politique : voilà un titre parlant pour un ouvrage qui se présente comme un essai sur les fondements de la masculinité (ou de la virilité) du pouvoir, une interrogation sur le lien entre domination politique et sexualité. Le propos de son auteure, Armelle Le Bras-Chopard – la première et l'une des rares femmes professeurs agrégées de science politique en France – est de rappeler une vérité première, volontiers mise en évidence par les ethnologues quoique plus souvent occultée par les politistes et les historiens : à savoir que c'est au nom de la sexualité que les femmes ont été écartées de toute forme de pouvoir. Elle centre ses propos sur la France, qualifiée de "paradigme de la domination masculine". À cet égard, le retour sur "l'aventure rocambolesque de la loi salique", permet de bien prendre la mesure de l'exception française : "être gouverné par une femme, c'est possible dans tous les autres pays, mais inimaginable en France" (p. 192). [Premier paragraphe]

A questionnaire survey of students reverses the explanation of social distance to politics. It is true that students' inequalities in politicisation can be explained by their social position. However, the weight of family and disciplinary matrices calls for their social experiences not to be neglected. ; Une enquête par questionnaire auprès d'étudiants permet de revenir sur l'explication de la distance sociale à la politique. Les inégalités de politisation des étudiants sont certes explicables par leur position sociale. Cependant, le poids des matrices familiales et disciplinaires invite à ne pas négliger leurs expériences sociales.

The cities, as the object of Africanists, have been seen as the underlying underlying of African politics. Based on a reading of 'rural communitarians' and 'urban societies', the African city was, however, outside the scope of secondary or interdepartmental localities, which were relocated to the world of RURALITE. For this reason, the example of Be Égue édo, a localite located in the province of Boulgou (Burkina Faso), provides here the anchor of a historical and anthropological reflection on the political status of a town of origin by building autonomy or even a form of sovereign power. On the basis of terminology which signs a city, that is to say, the city, but also a 'country' built on the mobility of productive activities and on the construction of commercial and migrant businesses, we try to show the finality of the relationship between the country, the country's country and the country in the process of completing the city's political status. Understood as a form of interpersonal or entrenched communities, thus complying with the social and political methods of a line-to-home organisation, the localite of Be Égue édo feeds the population of a segmented city. ; International audience ; The cities, as the object of Africanists, have been seen as the underlying underlying of African politics. Based on a reading of 'rural communitarians' and 'urban societies', the African city was, however, outside the scope of secondary or interdepartmental localities, which were relocated to the world of RURALITE. For this reason, the example of Be Égue édo, a localite located in the province of Boulgou (Burkina Faso), provides here the anchor of a historical and anthropological reflection on the political status of a town of origin by building autonomy or even a form of sovereign power. On the basis of terminology which signs a city, that is to say, the city, but also a 'country' built on the mobility of productive activities and on the construction of commercial and migrant businesses, we try to show the finality of the ...

The merger of General Electric/Honeywell has often been exaggerated. Neither the differences in procedures nor the differences in doctrines between the two largely autonomous bodies deciding on such cases appear to be a recurrent source of conflict. In general, their cooperation is rather unproblematic, for two main reasons: their decisions do not have a direct impact on economic policy and do not require the implementation of a cumbersome legislative process to transpose international standards into the national legislative system. This does not mean that a fully autonomous set of international standards can derive from such regulatory activity. At both national and international level, these regulatory authorities rely on political legitimacy as well as on the authority of the States. The main constraints on cooperation are twofold: a broad de facto agreement on the issues at stake and a constant defence of the political independence of the regulator. ; La fusion de General Electric/Honeywell a été souvent exagéré. Ni les différences de procédures ni les différences de doctrines entre les deux organismes en grande partie autonomes qui décident dans ce type d'affaires ne semblent être une source récurrente de conflit. En général, leur coopération est plutôt sans problèmes, pour deux raisons principales : leurs décisions n'ont pas d'impact direct sur la politique économique et ne requièrent pas la mise en œuvre d'un processus législatif lourd en vue de transposer les normes internationales dans le système législatif national. Cela ne signifie pas qu'un ensemble de normes internationales pleinement autonome puisse découler d'une telle activité de régulation. A la fois sur le plan national et international, ces autorités de régulation s'appuient sur la légitimité politique aussi bien que sur l'autorité des Etats. Les principales contraintes qui s'exercent sur la coopération sont de deux types : un large accord de fait sur les questions en jeu et une défense constante de l'indépendance politique du régulateur.

This article is conducting a balance-sheet test of the first three years of the European Central Bank's operation, which is now the sole focus of monetary policy in the euro area. This balance sheet does not escape a certain ambivalence: assessed against the precariousness of expansion and the fugacity of inflation risks within the euro area, the ECB's action appears to be constrained by an inflation target that is too low and by an excessively short policy horizon. It did not escape a degree of follow-through towards US monetary authorities and international financial markets, when the more synchronous nature of the global expansion until 2000 raised concerns about widespread inflation risks. In doing so, it was unable to adopt a timetable that helped to consolidate a still fragile European expansion and did not counteract the slowdown started in Europe in mid-2000. However, compared to the conduct of the EDF, assessed in similar circumstances, the ECB seems to be fishing more by inertia than by over-prevention — be it in the face of the risks of inflation or recession. The EDF knows to be both reactive and gradual, if gradual means the ability to define and implement a determined, gradual and persistent short-term interest rate orientation in a timely manner. The latter may initially surprise markets, but help to influence their expectations and thus act on business, with all economic players sharing the central bank's diagnosis. On the contrary, inertia refers to delay and discontinuity in taking monetary decisions adapted to cyclical developments. The inertia of monetary policy implemented by the ECB is part of all structural and institutional factors that hamper economic policy cooperation in Europe towards full employment. If the ECB wants to be the successor of the Bundesbank, the difficulties it faces in building confidence and consolidating its reputation may push the ECB to take into account the "best practices" of Anglo-Saxonian central banks and to go beyond the duality of the so-called two-pillar ...