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This essay attempts a rethematization of the relationship between philosophy & politics in the perspective opened up by A. Badiou's conception of philosophy. According to this conception, politics constitutes one of the four conditions of philosophy. The essay starts by clarifying why politics taken as a condition of philosophy is not to be confused with the political conditioning of philosophy. Rather, what is at issue here is an "intraphilosophical" condition of philosophy that forces it to conceive of politics as the real from which philosophy itself receives its condition. Special attention is paid to the issue of the politicization of philosophy. Politicization is conceived here in terms of the following alternative: either politics is always already determined through a given philosophical notion, or, on the contrary, it is politics itself that determines the philosophical concept. The way out of this impasse is elaborated in terms of Kantian reflective judgment. Adapted from the source document.

El desarrollo sostenible constituye uno de los objetivos del proceso de integración europea, tal y como expresa la normativa fundamental de la UE. Para el logro del mismo, la puesta en marcha de la política medioambiental europea ha sido fundamental, así como la cada vez mayor presencia de la energía en la misma. Precisamente, la energía ha ido adquiriendo progresivamente mayor importancia, estableciéndose una relación constante entre medio ambiente y energía en los diferentes planes y estrategias que tratan de alcanzar el objetivo citado. De una situación inicial de inexistencia de política medioambiental ni energética, se ha pasado a la situación actual en la que el propio Derecho Primario europeo recoge el recurso a la política energética como herramienta eficaz de protección medioambiental, lo que se refleja en los planes y estrategias que lo desarrollan así como en los actos legislativos adoptados.Europar Batasunaren oinarrizko arautegiaren arabera, garapen jasangarria Europako integrazio prozesuaren oinarrizko helburuetako bat da. Helburu hori betetzeko, Europa mailan ingurumen politikaren garapena ezin bestekoa izan da, baita energiak bertan duen presentzia gero eta handiagoa ere. Energiak pixkanaka gero eta garrantzi gehiago hartu du, ingurumenaren eta energiaren artean harreman estu iraunkorra finkatu delarik aipatutako helburura heltzen saiatzen diren askotariko estrategia, proposamen eta planetan. Hasiera batean ingurumen eta energia politikarik ez ziren. Ordea, gaur egun Europako Jatorrizko Zuzenbideak energi politika ingurumenaren babeserako bitarteko eraginkor gisa jasotzen du eta horrela ikus daiteke Jatorrizko Zuzenbide hori garatzen duten estrategia eta planetan, baita hartutako arauetan ere.Sustainable development is one of the objectives of the European integration process and this is reflected in the EU¿s fundamental regulations. To achieve this, the implementation of the European environmental policy has been essential, as well as the increasing presence of energy in it. Energy has gradually acquired greater importance, establishing a constant relationship between environment and energy in the different plans and strategies that seek to achieve the objective of sustainable development. At the beginning there was no environmental or energy policy, however today the European Law includes the use of energy policy as an effective tool for environmental protection. This is clearly reflected in the plans and strategies that develop it as well as in the legislative acts adopted.

El presente trabajo realiza, en primer lugar, un recorrido sobre el
origen, formación y evolución del espacio de libertad, seguridad y justicia desde
el Tratado de Ámsterdam al recién aprobado Tratado de Lisboa. Un repaso que
nos permite evidenciar que ya desde sus orígenes este espacio aparece con una
notoria y progresiva vocación o tendencia jurídica hacia lo «supranacional» en
detrimento de lo «intergubernamental». Y en segundo lugar, se analiza la política
de control transfronterizo materializada por las instituciones comunitarias. Una
política de indudable trascendencia en este espacio de libertad, seguridad y justicia
puesto que éste se configura como un espacio sin fronteras interiores que responde
al objetivo de garantizar la libre circulación de personas debiendo para ello
adoptarse una serie de medidas de acompañamiento que permitan reforzar las
fronteras exteriores.
Lan honetan, lehenik eta behin, aztertuko dugun nola sortu, hazi
eta bilakatu den askatasun, segurtasun eta justiziaren eremua, Amsterdameko Itunetik
Lisboako Itun onartu berrira bitartean.
Gainbegiratze horrek argi erakutsiko digu hasiera-hasieratik eremu horrek
betidanik jarrera nabarmena izan duela, eta gero eta gehiago, juridikoki «nazioz
gaindi» jotzeko, «gobernuen arteko» delakoaren kaltean. Bestetik, erakunde komunitarioek
gauzatzen duten mugaz haragoko kontrolaren politika aztertuko dugu.
Politika horrek, dudarik ez da, izugarrizko zeresana dauka askatasun, segurtasun
eta justizia eremu horretan, barruko mugarik gabeko eremua baita, pertsonak nahi
bezala joan-etorri ahal izatea bermatzeko helburua duenez; horregatik, laguntzeko
zenbait neurri hartzea beharrezkoa da, kanpoko mugak indartzeko.
This present work does an overview over the origin, configuration
and evolution of the area of freedom, security and justice since the Treaty of
Amsterdam to the just passed Treaty of Lisbon. This review allows us to show
that from its inception this area had a notorious and progessive vocation or legal
leaning towards «supranationality» to the detriment of «intergubernamentality».
And secondly, it analyzes the policy on cross-border surveillance by the
Community institutions. It is one policy with an undoubtable significance within
this area of freedom, security and justice because it is an area with no internal
borders which responds to the objective of guranteeing the free movement of
persons, and in order to do so it must adopt some measures of support which
reinforce the external borders.

Quel est le sens de « nature » dans la célèbre formule aristotélicienne : « l'humain est, par nature, un animal politique » ? Dans le cadre d'un débat avec les thèses du Socrate de la République, la référence à un naturel politique signifie que la cité n'est pas l'effet d'un manque, mais l'expression d'un désir positif. Ainsi, il n'y a pas pour l'être humain un état de nature antérieur à l'existence politique. Ce qui ne signifie pas que tout ce qui est politique est naturel. ; Koje je značenje prirode u čuvenoj aristotelovskoj tvrdnji "čovek je, po prirodi, politička životinja"? U kontekstu rasprave sa sokratovskim tezama u Platonovoj Republici, priroda znači da polis nije rezultat manjkavosti, već izraz pozitivne želje. Dakle, za ljudska bića ne postoji prirodno stanje koje prethodi političkom životu. Ovo ne znači da je sve što je političko istovremeno i prirodno.

Türkische Rechtfertigungsschrift zur Gründung der "Türkischen Republik Zypern"; mit Hilfe ausgewählter Zitate aus zahlreichen UNO-Dokumenten sowie Stellungnahmen griechischer Ministerien und Politiker wird die Teilung Zyperns als zum Schutz der türkischen Volksgruppe unabweislich notwendig dargestellt. (DÜI-Nei)

This article sets out from the assumption that the irrationality of contemporary populist movements is a postmodern phenomenon exceeding religious dogmatism and the anti-intellectualism of 20th century fascism. It describes the so-called "new right wing" populist politics in Europe and the Americas as a formation against the rationality of Western political discourse. The example of "Trumpism" – the recent shift in U.S. politics – reveals an extreme form of rejecting rational thinking. Its newness consists in the radicality of establishing reason itself as the enemy of politics and producing "alternative knowledge" based on the results of fake science. Trumpism functions as a charismatic representation of the unrepresented. It links a grassroots movement of protest against the establishment with the protectionist interests of big capital and an evangelical anti-Charity ideology. Analysing the postmodern language of alternative facts, this article examines how to think politics without any coherent discourse insofar as the threat of undermining any opposition by rejecting the very existence of political argumentation leads to a necessary reconsideration of the Enlightenment. ; Članek izhaja iz predpostavke, da je iracionalnost sodobnih političnih gibanj postmoderni pojav, ki presega religiozni dogmatizem in antiintelektualizem fašizma 20. stoletja. Populistično politiko tako imenovane »nove desnice« v Evropi in Ameriki opisuje kot tvorbo, ki nastopi proti racionalnosti zahodnega političnega diskurza. Primer »trumpizma« – nedavni premik znotraj politike ZDA – razkrije skrajno obliko zavrnitve racionalnega mišljenja. Njena novost je v radikalnosti vzpostavitve samega uma kot sovražnika politike in proizvajanju »alternativne vednosti«, ki temelji na ugotovitvah lažne znanosti. Trumpizem deluje kot karizmatično zastopanje nezastopanih. Samonikla gibanja (»grassroots movements«), nastala iz protestov proti trenutnemu redu, povezuje protekcionistične interese velikega kapitala in evangeličansko protikaritativno ideologijo. Opirajoč se na analizo postmoderne govorice alternativnih dejstev, članek raziskuje, kako misliti politiko brez koherentnega diskurza, saj grožnja spodkopavanja vsakega nasprotovanja z zanikanjem samega obstoja politične argumentacije, zahteva ponovni premislek razsvetljenstva.

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