Suchergebnisse

Euroscepticism (anti-EUism) had become a subject of analysis in contemporary European studies due to its effect on governments, parties and nations. With Greece being one of the nations in the center of attention on effects of Euroscepticism, it's imperative to constantly analyze and research the eurosceptic elements residing within the political elements of this nation. Analyzing eurosceptic elements within Greek political parties, the goal is to: detect, analyze and evaluate the expressions of Euroscepticism in political parties of Greece. To achieve this: 1). Conceptualization of Euroscepticism is described; 2). Methods of its detection and measurement are described; 3). Methods of Euroscepticism analysis are applied to political parties of Greece in order to conclude what type and expressions of eurosceptic behavior are present. To achieve the goal presented in this paper, political literature, on the subject of Euroscepticism: 1). Perception of European integration; 2) Measurement of Euroscepticism; 3). Source of eurosceptic behavior; 4). Application of Euroscepticism;- is presented in order to compile a method of analysis to be applied to current active Greek political parties in a duration of 2014-2015 period. The presented literature details analysis of party perception of European integration, party attitude towards EU and its institutions, levels of Euroscepticism within a political party, party application of Euroscepticism. At the end of this paper, based on conducted analysis, it was concluded that: 1). European integration is viewed differently between Greek political parties. Soft Eurosceptic parties agree with the principal of European integration, but later differ on how they view current and future integration. Hard Eurosceptic parties tend to disapprove of European integration ideals or to view them through a prism of party ideology; 2) Based on how a party views European integration in past, present and future sense, it determines what level of Euroscepticism it expresses and what level of eurosceptic attitude is present within a party when dealing with European issues; 3). Dependent from which source of Euroscepticism (strategic or ideological) party expresses anti-EU behavior, it affects party application of Euroscepticism towards EU; 4). Even parties that are considered to be pro-EU reside small levels of eurosceptic behavior within themselves, which is caused by party ideology coming into conflict with elements of European integration such as power balance of member states or levels of democracy in the union; 5). Soft Euroscepticism dominates Greek political parties. Hard Euroscepticism is present only in strongly ideological (radical) political parties. Greek party polity combines within itself various types and variations of Euroscepticism, each different from each other and yet at the same time having similar roots. This shows that Euroscepticism is not a single entity, having only one form or expression, each unique in how it is applied and assimilated. Euroscepticism (anti-EUism) had become a subject of analysis in contemporary European studies due to its effect on governments, parties and nations. With Greece being one of the nations in the center of attention on effects of Euroscepticism, it's imperative to constantly analyze and research the eurosceptic elements residing within the political elements of this nation. Analyzing eurosceptic elements within Greek political parties, the goal is to: detect, analyze and evaluate the expressions of Euroscepticism in political parties of Greece. To achieve this: 1). Conceptualization of Euroscepticism is described; 2). Methods of its detection and measurement are described; 3). Methods of Euroscepticism analysis are applied to political parties of Greece in order to conclude what type and expressions of eurosceptic behavior are present. To achieve the goal presented in this paper, political literature, on the subject of Euroscepticism: 1). Perception of European integration; 2) Measurement of Euroscepticism; 3). Source of eurosceptic behavior; 4). Application of Euroscepticism;- is presented in order to compile a method of analysis to be applied to current active Greek political parties in a duration of 2014-2015 period. The presented literature details analysis of party perception of European integration, party attitude towards EU and its institutions, levels of Euroscepticism within a political party, party application of Euroscepticism.

Euroscepticism (anti-EUism) had become a subject of analysis in contemporary European studies due to its effect on governments, parties and nations. With Greece being one of the nations in the center of attention on effects of Euroscepticism, it's imperative to constantly analyze and research the eurosceptic elements residing within the political elements of this nation. Analyzing eurosceptic elements within Greek political parties, the goal is to: detect, analyze and evaluate the expressions of Euroscepticism in political parties of Greece. To achieve this: 1). Conceptualization of Euroscepticism is described; 2). Methods of its detection and measurement are described; 3). Methods of Euroscepticism analysis are applied to political parties of Greece in order to conclude what type and expressions of eurosceptic behavior are present. To achieve the goal presented in this paper, political literature, on the subject of Euroscepticism: 1). Perception of European integration; 2) Measurement of Euroscepticism; 3). Source of eurosceptic behavior; 4). Application of Euroscepticism;- is presented in order to compile a method of analysis to be applied to current active Greek political parties in a duration of 2014-2015 period. The presented literature details analysis of party perception of European integration, party attitude towards EU and its institutions, levels of Euroscepticism within a political party, party application of Euroscepticism. At the end of this paper, based on conducted analysis, it was concluded that: 1). European integration is viewed differently between Greek political parties. Soft Eurosceptic parties agree with the principal of European integration, but later differ on how they view current and future integration. Hard Eurosceptic parties tend to disapprove of European integration ideals or to view them through a prism of party ideology; 2) Based on how a party views European integration in past, present and future sense, it determines what level of Euroscepticism it expresses and what level of eurosceptic attitude is present within a party when dealing with European issues; 3). Dependent from which source of Euroscepticism (strategic or ideological) party expresses anti-EU behavior, it affects party application of Euroscepticism towards EU; 4). Even parties that are considered to be pro-EU reside small levels of eurosceptic behavior within themselves, which is caused by party ideology coming into conflict with elements of European integration such as power balance of member states or levels of democracy in the union; 5). Soft Euroscepticism dominates Greek political parties. Hard Euroscepticism is present only in strongly ideological (radical) political parties. Greek party polity combines within itself various types and variations of Euroscepticism, each different from each other and yet at the same time having similar roots. This shows that Euroscepticism is not a single entity, having only one form or expression, each unique in how it is applied and assimilated. Euroscepticism (anti-EUism) had become a subject of analysis in contemporary European studies due to its effect on governments, parties and nations. With Greece being one of the nations in the center of attention on effects of Euroscepticism, it's imperative to constantly analyze and research the eurosceptic elements residing within the political elements of this nation. Analyzing eurosceptic elements within Greek political parties, the goal is to: detect, analyze and evaluate the expressions of Euroscepticism in political parties of Greece. To achieve this: 1). Conceptualization of Euroscepticism is described; 2). Methods of its detection and measurement are described; 3). Methods of Euroscepticism analysis are applied to political parties of Greece in order to conclude what type and expressions of eurosceptic behavior are present. To achieve the goal presented in this paper, political literature, on the subject of Euroscepticism: 1). Perception of European integration; 2) Measurement of Euroscepticism; 3). Source of eurosceptic behavior; 4). Application of Euroscepticism;- is presented in order to compile a method of analysis to be applied to current active Greek political parties in a duration of 2014-2015 period. The presented literature details analysis of party perception of European integration, party attitude towards EU and its institutions, levels of Euroscepticism within a political party, party application of Euroscepticism.

Euroscepticism (anti-EUism) had become a subject of analysis in contemporary European studies due to its effect on governments, parties and nations. With Greece being one of the nations in the center of attention on effects of Euroscepticism, it's imperative to constantly analyze and research the eurosceptic elements residing within the political elements of this nation. Analyzing eurosceptic elements within Greek political parties, the goal is to: detect, analyze and evaluate the expressions of Euroscepticism in political parties of Greece. To achieve this: 1). Conceptualization of Euroscepticism is described; 2). Methods of its detection and measurement are described; 3). Methods of Euroscepticism analysis are applied to political parties of Greece in order to conclude what type and expressions of eurosceptic behavior are present. To achieve the goal presented in this paper, political literature, on the subject of Euroscepticism: 1). Perception of European integration; 2) Measurement of Euroscepticism; 3). Source of eurosceptic behavior; 4). Application of Euroscepticism;- is presented in order to compile a method of analysis to be applied to current active Greek political parties in a duration of 2014-2015 period. The presented literature details analysis of party perception of European integration, party attitude towards EU and its institutions, levels of Euroscepticism within a political party, party application of Euroscepticism. At the end of this paper, based on conducted analysis, it was concluded that: 1). European integration is viewed differently between Greek political parties. Soft Eurosceptic parties agree with the principal of European integration, but later differ on how they view current and future integration. Hard Eurosceptic parties tend to disapprove of European integration ideals or to view them through a prism of party ideology; 2) Based on how a party views European integration in past, present and future sense, it determines what level of Euroscepticism it expresses and what level of eurosceptic attitude is present within a party when dealing with European issues; 3). Dependent from which source of Euroscepticism (strategic or ideological) party expresses anti-EU behavior, it affects party application of Euroscepticism towards EU; 4). Even parties that are considered to be pro-EU reside small levels of eurosceptic behavior within themselves, which is caused by party ideology coming into conflict with elements of European integration such as power balance of member states or levels of democracy in the union; 5). Soft Euroscepticism dominates Greek political parties. Hard Euroscepticism is present only in strongly ideological (radical) political parties. Greek party polity combines within itself various types and variations of Euroscepticism, each different from each other and yet at the same time having similar roots. This shows that Euroscepticism is not a single entity, having only one form or expression, each unique in how it is applied and assimilated. Euroscepticism (anti-EUism) had become a subject of analysis in contemporary European studies due to its effect on governments, parties and nations. With Greece being one of the nations in the center of attention on effects of Euroscepticism, it's imperative to constantly analyze and research the eurosceptic elements residing within the political elements of this nation. Analyzing eurosceptic elements within Greek political parties, the goal is to: detect, analyze and evaluate the expressions of Euroscepticism in political parties of Greece. To achieve this: 1). Conceptualization of Euroscepticism is described; 2). Methods of its detection and measurement are described; 3). Methods of Euroscepticism analysis are applied to political parties of Greece in order to conclude what type and expressions of eurosceptic behavior are present. To achieve the goal presented in this paper, political literature, on the subject of Euroscepticism: 1). Perception of European integration; 2) Measurement of Euroscepticism; 3). Source of eurosceptic behavior; 4). Application of Euroscepticism;- is presented in order to compile a method of analysis to be applied to current active Greek political parties in a duration of 2014-2015 period. The presented literature details analysis of party perception of European integration, party attitude towards EU and its institutions, levels of Euroscepticism within a political party, party application of Euroscepticism.

A short review of political parties and party systems lets us state that political parties are undoubtedly one of the most important political institutions of a modern state, however the very definition of a political party varies with scholars of different countries. Their functions are also variously defined. Political parties are classified into types on the basis of different criteria. Therefore it is possible to have a big variety of these types. Political systems are also treated in various ways. That depends on the concrete circumstances and the general level of political culture.

A short review of political parties and party systems lets us state that political parties are undoubtedly one of the most important political institutions of a modern state, however the very definition of a political party varies with scholars of different countries. Their functions are also variously defined. Political parties are classified into types on the basis of different criteria. Therefore it is possible to have a big variety of these types. Political systems are also treated in various ways. That depends on the concrete circumstances and the general level of political culture.

A short review of political parties and party systems lets us state that political parties are undoubtedly one of the most important political institutions of a modern state, however the very definition of a political party varies with scholars of different countries. Their functions are also variously defined. Political parties are classified into types on the basis of different criteria. Therefore it is possible to have a big variety of these types. Political systems are also treated in various ways. That depends on the concrete circumstances and the general level of political culture.

A short review of political parties and party systems lets us state that political parties are undoubtedly one of the most important political institutions of a modern state, however the very definition of a political party varies with scholars of different countries. Their functions are also variously defined. Political parties are classified into types on the basis of different criteria. Therefore it is possible to have a big variety of these types. Political systems are also treated in various ways. That depends on the concrete circumstances and the general level of political culture.

Modern democracy is impossible without political parties. They are necessary in the process of the construction of the political class and building of relations between politicians and 'ordinary people'. So, in Poland in the twentieth and the twenty-first centuries the significance of parties is also very important. Their history is older than the history of the reborn Poland. Especially in Galicia, an autonomous province of the Hapsburg empire, we can see the activities of many politicians. A part of them in 1895 declared the birth of the Popular Party which is a constant element of the Polish political scene. The second traditional current is the socialistic movement, which is also always legally active in Poland. These two camps represent, in simplification, the 'two Polands'—the first more traditional, conservative and provincial, and the second more progressive, 'European' and urban. Actually, in the typical consciousness of a Polish citizen, the political representation of the 'black' country is the party Law and Justice of Jarosław Kaczyński, and the 'red' country admires the Citizen Platform with Donald Tusk as a leader. But probably the idea of a twoparty system, like in the Anglo-Saxon world, is still very distant to reality, because in the European continent, the tradition of pluralism in a policentric version is still very significant. In Poland, even in the period of the 'real socialism' this conception of the organization of political life was realized, though naturally in the specific version. There were three legal parties and the Polish United Workers' Party (the PUWP) was the most important. From 1976, the PUWP in the light of the Constitution had the official hegemony in the Republic. It is possible to compare this situation with the period 1926–39, when, after the coup d'état by Marshal Piłsudski, the Government still won in the election and the official elite wanted to create a stable political force with a perspective of permanent rule. But we must remember that between the wars opposition always was legal. In our times of demoliberalism, this is quite normal (though under the Constitution, unconstitutional parties, for example, communist or fascist, are unacceptable); however, interesting is the fact that when you observe sine ira et studio the evolutional trend of the Polish political system, you easily find the tendency of the 'stabilization' of the party system in the way of legal operations. From 1997, the laws concerning political parties have changed the possibilities of the conquest of seats in the Seym. Actually, only the parties having 5 per cent (or 8 per cent in coalition) of votes can gain the representation in the Diet. So it is possible to claim that the little parties today are in a more complicated situation than in the first years after the 'operation of Round Table' in 1989. The contemporary system is maybe more stable, but less liberal. There are theoreticians who note the danger of the alienation of the political class in the situation of the renewal of the alienation of the political elite, which de facto is more connected with the state than with the society. Many theoreticians emphasize that in the future the role and the character of political structures will be profoundly different from today. Maybe they are prophets, but we can expect that the Polish political parties or 'post-parties' and also political structure as a whole will have many similarities with their actual equivalents, because the mentality of the Polish nation, including the politicians, is more or less enduring. ; Modernioji demokratija neįmanoma be politinių partijų. Jos būtinos formuojant politinę klasę bei santykius tarp politikų ir "eilinių" žmonių. Taigi Lenkijoje XX ir XXI a. partijų reikšmė taip pat yra labai didelė. Jų istorija yra senesnė nei atgimusios Lenkijos. Ypač Galicijoje, autonominėje Habsburgo imperijos srityje, galime stebėti daugelio politikų veiklą. Dalis jų 1985 m. deklaravo įkuriantys Populiariąją partiją, kuri nuolat dalyvauja Lenkijos politinėje arenoje. Antroji tradicinė srovė yra socialistinis judėjimas, kuris Lenkijoje taip pat visada yra aktyvus. Šios dvi stovyklos atstovauja, paprastai tariant, "dviem Lenkijoms". Viena iš jų labiau tradicinė, konservatyvi ir provincinė, o kita – progresyvesnė, europietiška, miestietiška. Iš tiesų, tipinio Lenkijos piliečio sąmonėje kaip politinis "juodosios" šalies atstovas yra įsitvirtinusi Jaroslavo Kaczynskio Teisės ir teisingumo partija, o "raudonoji" šalis – Donaldo Tusko vadovaujama Piliečių platforma. Vis dėlto anglosaksų pasaulyje vyraujanti dvipartinės sistemos idėja Lenkijoje, reikia manyti, visiškai įsigalės dar negreit, nes Europos žemyne policentrinė pliuralizmo tradicija yra labai reikšminga. Lenkijoje netgi "tikrojo socializmo" periodu ši politinio gyvenimo organizavimo samprata buvo įsitvirtinusi, nors ir kaip natūraliai specifinė versija. Buvo trys partijos, o Lenkijos jungtinė darbininkų partija (LJDP) buvo svarbiausia. Nuo 1976 m. pagal Konstituciją LJDB oficialiai viešpatavo šalyje. Šią situaciją galima palyginti su 1926–1939 m. periodu, kai po maršalo J. Pilsudskio perversmo vyriausybė vis tiek laimėjo rinkimus. Tuomet oficialusis elitas norėjo sukurti stabilią politinę jėgą, esant nuolatinio valdymo perspektyvai. Tačiau reikia prisiminti, kad tarpukario laikotarpiu opozicija visada buvo įteisinta. Dabartiniais demoliberalizmo laikais tai yra pakankamai normalu (nors Konstitucijoje yra straipsnis, draudžiantis nekonstitucines partijas, pavyzdžiui, komunistines arba fašistines), tačiau įdomu tai, kad, kai sine ira et studio stebime Lenkijos politinės sistemos plėtros tendencijas, aiškiai išryškėja partijų sistemos "stabilizacijos" teisiniais procesais tendencija. Nuo 1997 m. su politinėmis partijomis susiję įstatymai pakeitė galimybes laimėti vietas Parlamente. Iš tiesų tik partijos, gavusios 5 proc. (arba 8 proc. koalicijoje) balsų, gali patekti į Parlamentą. Taigi galima teigti, kad dabartiniu metu mažųjų partijų situacija yra sunkesnė negu po "Apvaliojo stalo darbo" 1989 m. Dabartinė sistema, ko gero, stabilesnė, bet mažiau liberali. Yra nuomonių, pabrėžiančių pavojų, jog, kai politinis elitas de facto yra labiau susijęs su valstybe nei su visuomene, gali atitolti ir politinė klasė. Daugelis teoretikų pabrėžia, jog ateityje politinių struktūrų vaidmuo bei požymiai bus visiškai kitokie nei dabartiniu metu. Galbūt jie yra pranašai, tačiau galima tikėtis, kad Lenkijos politinės partijos arba "postpartijos", taip pat ir visa politinė struktūra bus labai panaši į dabartinę, nes lenkų tautos mentalitetas, įskaitant ir politikus, daugiau ar mažiau yra patvarus.

This article aims to explain the rise of the Lithuanian political party "The Way of Courage" using Ernesto Laclau's discourse theory of populism, in which populism is understood as a logic of collective identity formation. The advantages of this theoretical approach are revealed by comparing it with other tendencies of conceptualizing populism. In addition, this article is an attempt to solve the main disadvantage of E. Laclau's theory– its high level of abstractness, understood as an obstacle for operationalization. Therefore, various possibilities of combining E.Laclau's theory with other methodological perspectives are discussed, and a new research model is suggested, which is later applied in the discourse analysis of the political party "The Way of Courage." ; Straipsnyje politinės partijos "Drąsos kelias" iškilimui aiškinti pritaikoma Ernesto Laclau diskursyvi populizmo teorija, kuria remiantis populizmas suprantamas kaip kolektyvinio identiteto formavimosi logika. Šio teorinio požiūrio pranašumai atskleidžiami, lyginant jį su kitomis populizmo konceptualizavimo kryptimis. Taip pat mėginamas įveikti vienas iš šios teorijos trūkumų– per didelis abstraktumas, trukdantis pritaikyti ją empiriniams tyrimams. Straipsnyje aptariamos teorijos operacionalizavimo galimybės derinant ją su kitomis metodologinėmis perspektyvomis bei pasiūlomas naujas tyrimo modelis, kuris ir pritaikomas populistinės politinės partijos "Drąsos kelias" atvejo tyrime.

During the spread of populism in politics, we know little about the prevalence of populism in the discourse of Lithuanian political parties. This article presents a content analysis of Lithuanian political parties' manifestos for the 2016 and 2020 parliamentary elections. The results show that references to the people as a homogeneous unit are relatively widespread, but the number of anti-elitist paragraphs in party programmes is lower. We can divide the parties into three groups according to the level of populism. The most populist parties, located at the fringes of the party system, received little support from the voters in the Seimas elections. Parties that presented relatively high numbers of people-centrist paragraphs and a relatively moderate criticism of the elite proved to be much more successful in the election. ; Populizmo paplitimo politikoje laikotarpiu mažai žinome apie populizmo paplitimą Lietuvos politinių partijų diskurse. Šis straipsnis pristato 2016 ir 2020m. Seimo rinkimų Lietuvos politinių partijų programų turinio analizės rezultatus. Rezultatai rodo gana paplitusias nuorodas į žmones kaip homogenišką vienetą, bet kur kas mažesnį ir 2020m. dar sumažėjusį antielitistinių pastraipų skaičių partijų programose. Pagal populizmo lygį politines partijas galima suskirstyti į tris grupes. Populistiškiausios partijos, partinės sistemos autsaiderės, Seimo rinkimuose sulaukė mažo rinkėjų palaikymo. Rinkimuose kur kas sėkmingiau pasirodė partijos, pristačiusios santykinai dideliu orientuotų į žmones pastraipų skaičiumi ir nuosaikesne elito kritika pasižymėjusias programas.

This article aims to explain the rise of the Lithuanian political party "The Way of Courage" using Ernesto Laclau's discourse theory of populism, in which populism is understood as a logic of collective identity formation. The advantages of this theoretical approach are revealed by comparing it with other tendencies of conceptualizing populism. In addition, this article is an attempt to solve the main disadvantage of E. Laclau's theory – its high level of abstractness, understood as an obstacle for operationalization. Therefore, various possibilities of combining E. Laclau's theory with other methodological perspectives are discussed, and a new research model is suggested, which is later applied in the discourse analysis of the political party "The Way of Courage."

This article aims to explain the rise of the Lithuanian political party "The Way of Courage" using Ernesto Laclau's discourse theory of populism, in which populism is understood as a logic of collective identity formation. The advantages of this theoretical approach are revealed by comparing it with other tendencies of conceptualizing populism. In addition, this article is an attempt to solve the main disadvantage of E. Laclau's theory – its high level of abstractness, understood as an obstacle for operationalization. Therefore, various possibilities of combining E. Laclau's theory with other methodological perspectives are discussed, and a new research model is suggested, which is later applied in the discourse analysis of the political party "The Way of Courage."