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Vývoj obyvatelstva v krajích a okresech v České Republice za období 1960 - 1995: časové řady vybraných ukazatel°u demografické statistiky
In: Česká statistika : Řada 4, Obyvatelstvo
Dětství, rodina a stáří: v dějinách Evropy
In: Panorama světových dějin
In: Panorama světových dějin
Obyvatelstvo ostravské pr°umyslové oblasti do sčítání 1869
In: Spisy Pedagogické Fakulty v Ostravě 57
Problemy społeczno-demograficzne pogranicza polsko-czeskiego na przykładzie Śla̜ska Cieszyńskiego
In: Prace naukowe Uniwersytetu Śla̜skiego w Katowicach 2013
In: Seria: Nauka o ziemi
Zapatova armada narodniho osvobozeni po deseti letech existence
In: Politologický časopis, Band 11, Heft 2, S. 176-179
ISSN: 1211-3247
The book by Premysl Macha Small Flame in the Mountains, Fire in the Lowlands. Indian Uprising in the Mexican Chiapas describes the development of the Zapatista National Liberation Army (EZLN). Czech political scientist P. Macha used to be an uncritical supporter of the uprising in the south of Mexico, but today he finds some problems in the activities of the EZLN. The book analyzes in detail the roots & history of this guerilla struggle. However, the success of the Zapatista propaganda among intellectuals in Western countries could have been given more critical attention. Nevertheless, it is the best work about the EZLN in the Czech language. 8 References. Adapted from the source document.
Kde ty všechny děti jsou?: porodnost v sociologické perspektivě
In: Ediční řada studie 32
Referendum o pristoupeni CR k Evropske unii. Nekolik ruznych pohledu n prvni vselidove hlasovani v Cesku
In: Politologický časopis, Band 11, Heft 3, S. 206-223
ISSN: 1211-3247
The referendum on the accession of the Czech Republic to the European Union was the first -- & thus far the only -- national referendum in the history of both the Czech Republic & Czechoslovakia. Although it was obvious that the majority of the Czech population was in favor of joining the European Union, sociologists could not predict the turnout. The polls had shown that at least 70 percent of the population would vote "Yes." However, as there had been no referendum in the country's history before, there were fears of voter apathy. There was no experience concerning the difference between public opinion polls & the actual results. Regardless of these factors, TNS Factum offered a very accurate prediction of voter turnout & of support for accession. The voting pattern in the actual referendum was firmly correlated with & similar to the voting behavior in the 2002 parliamentary elections. A study on electoral data showed a strong correlation between the support for Koalice (Coalition of liberals & Christian democrats) in the 2002 general election & the pro-EU voles in the 2003 referendum. The Czech referendum was not an exception compared to developments in other post-communist states. Nevertheless, there is a clear difference between east European referenda & past EU referenda in Western Europe. The latter were characterized by higher voter turnout & by relatively less enthusiasm concerning EU accession. In this respect, the post-communist referenda were the inverse. They displayed low voter turnout & high support for accession; hence, they demonstrate the differing perceptions of the east European populations & their western counterparts. 8 Tables, 7 Graphs, 14 References. Adapted from the source document.
Socialni problemy a politiky v Ceske republice po roce 1989: Naklady prechodu a socio-ekonomicka struktura
In: Politická ekonomie: teorie, modelování, aplikace, Band 48, Heft 4, S. 529-546
ISSN: 0032-3233
This paper compares the standard economic & a complementary socioeconomic approach to the transition. While the economic approach looks at social problems from the outside & views them as costs of transition, the socioeconomic approach looks at these problems from the inside & views them as a part of the social change taking place. Both approaches are used here to analyze four frictions, concerning (1) the PAYG pension system, which emphasizes intergenerational dependence & turns pensioners into a socially needy population; (2) the relation between low market wages & a higher welfare provision, which creates a poverty trap & leads to a culture of dependency; (3) the insufficient incentives for middle-class expansion, which contrasts with the key role this class should play in the future prosperity of society; & (4) tensions between various sections of the middle class. 6 Tables, 2 Figures, 4 Graphs, 17 References. Adapted from the source document.
Krize sekularni republiky a sociologie islamizace. Francouzska socialni veda odpovida na "aferu satku"
In: Politologický časopis, Band 11, Heft 3, S. 288-300
ISSN: 1211-3247
The statute of March 15, 2004, that banned religious symbols in the French schools & State high schools, was the last act of the Headscarf Affair which had been regularly returning to the limelight of the French political scene since 1989. The review of several recent sociological books devoted to the phenomena of islamization helps to buttress the main assumption of the article that the Affair is a symptom of a failing integration of the immigrants from the Muslim countries. These populations are disproportionately hit by social & economic marginalization while, at the same time, summoned to assimilate culturally. Dogmatic republicanism conceives of the assimilation as a necessary precondition for the political integration. In the situation of an increasing social exclusion, however, the push to assimilation adds a cultural offense to an economic injury & incites a contrary reaction: a proud self-assertion of the Muslim identity. The statute banning the headscarves only intensifies this vicious dynamic. The analyses in the reviewed books seem to lead to a different solution: a reasonable response would rather be to tolerate the expressions of religious distinctiveness while, at the same time, trying to integrate people of immigrant origins both economically & politically. This would require, however, a reconstruction of the French republicanism which -- at least in its dogmatic form -- does not distinguish between the cultural & political sides of integration. 9 References. Adapted from the source document.
Politicka nestabilita v Africe, 1960-2000
In: Mezinárodní vztahy: Czech journal of international relations, Band 38, Heft 4, S. 47-73
ISSN: 0543-7989, 0323-1844
The article aims to review the political developments in African states throughout their recent post-colonial past. Uprooting political violence & anchoring a stable structure based on a society-wide consensus being just two of the several prerequisites for solving so many other problems which trouble Africa today, this article aims to diagnose at least some root causes & consequences of the generally unsatisfactory political situation on the continent. Having identified a set of political instability symptoms (coups d'etat, civil wars, failed putches etc.) the author first ranks African states according to their political instability rate. On the basis of statistical correlation analysis, the author then investigates the relation between political instability in Africa & a number of quantifiable geographical, demographical, military & economic variables. The author has identified some dispositions increasing -- though with only small statistical significance -- the probability of instability in African states. In order of importance, these include: large territory, high illiteracy rate, low urbanization, high number of ethnic groups living within the territory, & large population. Also, there is a close link between political instability & governmental military spending. It probably has a negative impact on a number of key economic indicators, be it GDP growth, GDP per capita levels, domestic savings, or price level developments. In the final part of his article, the author makes a brief summary of political developments in African countries in the 21st century. Tables, Appendixes, References. Adapted from the source document.