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Anthony Low is surely right in urging students of modern African politics to probe deeper into African society and culture than they have been accustomed to do. In part because of the speed with which political events have unfolded during the past decade – making it difficult enough just to keep up with day-to-day events – and in part because of the disjunction between traditional socio-cultural groupings and modern political boundaries – making it easy to believe that the former are irrelevant to the latter – much recent writing on African affairs, even when "well informed", has been exceedingly superficial. Low's work on Buganda, including especially his sensitive study of Ganda-British relations during the early years of the Protectorate, stands as an admirable exception. Both in the earlier studies and in his present analysis of populism, twentieth-century Baganda are shown to act in ways, and out of sentiments, that are understandably related both to contemporary circumstances and to the Ganda past.

Is it quite certain that analysts of political forces in Africa are looking in all the right corners? We may perhaps recall that there have been critical lacunae before. After all African nationalism crept up unawares on a previous generation; and if, to take a wider example, one looks at studies of Indian politics before about 1950 there is hardly any analysis of the role of caste. It seems worthwhile, therefore, to go a-probing.

Radicalism has been relatively weak in America, so strong is the American consensus. In the past, most radical movements were leftist or liberal. Today, right-wing radical ism is strong. Its intellectual and political roots are found in leftist movements such as populism and the protofascism of the 1930's as well as pre-World War II isolationism. McCarthy was a link between these movements and the present radical right. The major tenet of contemporary right-wing extremism is an anticommunism which stresses the domestic aspect of the Communist threat. Because of belief in the absolute nature of the struggle against communism and a conspiracy theory of his tory inherited from leftist and isolationist movements of the past, the radical right has little faith in traditional constitu tional and political processes and stresses clandestine and mass- action methods for fighting communism. In economics, the radical right favors a return to nineteenth-century laissez-faire liberalism; in social life, it favors greater conformity to tradi tional norms. The future of right-wing radicalism depends primarily on the course of international events but also, in part, on the nature and strength of contemporary left-wing radical movements.

Radicalism has been relatively weak in the US, so strong is the Amer consensus. In the past, most radical movements were leftists or liberal. Today, right-wing radicalism is strong. Its intellectual & pol'al roots are found in leftist movements such as populism & the protofascism of the 1930's as well as pre-WWII isolationism. McCarthy was a link between these movements & the present radical right. The major tenet of contemporary right-wing extremism is an anticommunism which stresses the domestic aspect of the Communist threat. Because of belief in the absolute nature of the struggle against communism & a conspiracy theory of history inherited from leftist & isolationist movements of the past, the radical right has little faith in traditional constitutional & pol'al processes & stresses clandestine & massaction methods for fighting communism. In econ's, the radical right favors a return to 19th-cent laissez-faire liberalism; in soc life, it favors greater conformity to traditional norms. The future of right-wing radicalism depends primarily on the course of internat'l events but also, in part, on the nature & strength of contemporary left-wing radical movements. AA.

Prosperity brings its own disorders. When American sociology, unregarded and undemanding, was pleased to be allowed an academic existence, it suffered from lack of self-confidence. The other academic disciplines thought little of it and it was unknown to the outside world. Its rustic naïveté and its simple enthusiasm aroused no antipathies within its own parochial confines. When, however, it began to thrive—when its output became more interesting intellectually, as it did in the i930's, and the attention of the great world, of foundations, governments, and publicists, was drawn toward it—it also began to suffer the malaise of the prosperous. Professor Robert Lynd was probably the first of those who found that the subject they had fostered had not kept pace with their own political development toward the radical populism which was one trend in the leftward movement of the 1930's. In Knowledge for What? he accused his sociological colleagues of the evasion of the responsibilities implicit in the potentialities of their discipline. He was strongly for planning, for equality, and above all for radical political engagement; American sociologists—indeed, American social scientists in general—were charged with indifference, academic triviality, and subservience to the reigning authorities of state and economy.

Because of tensions inherent in the modern position of youth, they have been vulnerable to a variety of deviant patterns. These patterns manifest a spirit of rebelliousness & have taken 3 major forms in US life: delinquency, radicalism & Bohemianism Each has been a subterranean tradition of US youth. The subterranean tradition of delinquency, guided by a celebration of prowess, manifests a spirit of adventure, disdain of work & aggression. The delinquent enterprise consists primarily of victimization & status offenses. Radicalism is guided by an apocalyptic vision, populism, & evangelism. The radical enterprise consists of mundane pol'al activity that to its participants seems extraordinary as a result of unconventional definitions of politics. The Bohemian tradition &beat, its modern manifestation, are committed to romanticism, expressive authenticity & monasticism. Because of the importance of expressive authenticity, Bohemianism has taken 2 major paths, frivolous & morose. The Bohemian enterprise consists of 2 interrelated features, unconventional art &unconventional personal experience. While only a small proportion of youth participates in any of these traditions, many more are vulnerable. That more do not participate & many who do participate return to conventional life seems related to the existence of conventional versions of these traditions. AA.