Suchergebnisse

Pensar y discutir «la cuestión populista» hoy se asemeja al eterno trabajo de Sísifo: cargar la roca de reflexión del populismo una y otra vez, frente a la pendiente inalcanzable de los lugares comunes. Como la de Sísifo, la nuestra es una labor --a todas luces-- interminable. Por ello, este libro no pretende saldar o cerrar el debate, sino alivianar un poco la roca de reflexión; más que descifrar la naturaleza del populismo, nos proponemos pensarlo como una categoría analítica operativa y productiva para el estudio de procesos histórico-políticos particulares tales como el peronismo argentino y el gaitanismo colombiano. Y para estos fines, este libro colectivo recoge y ofrece distintas indagaciones sobre una perspectiva sobre los populismos que llamamos «descentrada». El primer descentramiento que proponemos, pone de relieve a las experiencias políticas concretas a la hora de hablar de los populismos (en plural) y toma distancia de los modelos arquetípicos en clave anómala producidos a propósito de dos de ellas. El segundo, coloca en primer plano la pregunta por el papel que ocupan los procesos de constitución y de redefinición identitarios en los populismos latinoamericanos. El tercero, se relaciona con un particular modo de introducir el enfoque histórico en el estudio de los populismos, pues no se intenta buscar en el pasado un momento originario o esencial de constitución de una identidad popular sino visibilizar, en el transcurso del tiempo, distintos momentos de constitución del peronismo y del gaitanismo; momentos que, ciertamente, fueron resignificados o intervenidos en sus respectivos países desde la emergencia de los populismos hasta nuestros días

Defines 20th-century Latin American populism, identifies its necessary conditions, & traces its reemergence in the 1990s & early 21st century. Populism in Latin America occurred basically in three forms during the 20th century: (1) a 1900-1920 early, prototypical populism throughout the southern cone, (2) 1940-70, classic populism that ended with the rise of military regimes, & (3) the neopopulism of the 1990s epitomized by Alberto Fujimori in Peru. Classic populism is defined by a charismatic leader, an appeal to all three basic social classes, reform-based platforms, culture-based appeals, & extensive electoral expansion. Conditions for populism are (1) political inefficiency due to elitism & corruption, (2) the erosion of personal security due to crime increase & judicial corruption, & (3) economic pessimism due to monetary crises, unemployment, & inflation. The neopopulism of the 21st century is examined as a kind of military populism, illustrated by Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez. D. Bajo

What is the substance of populist phenomenon? After glancing through the bibliography & political practices considered as populist, it is clear that there is no complete or consensual definition of this "syndrome" that covers many temporal & spatial realities. The aim of this article is to carry out a conceptual balance of the term. On the one hand, it analyzes the bonds that populism maintains with ideologies & institutions. On the other, it examines the contexts of emergence of this phenomenon, which are characterized by the loss of cohesion & identity references of national communities. In fact, what defines populism is its antipolitical character, ie, its controversial promise to satisfy popular needs without delay & in a nonrevolutionary way. 17 References. Adapted from the source document.

Defining populism as an effort to weaken democratic institutions, I propose in this article that political parties can help prevent the emergence of populism in Latin America. The stronger & more accountable the political parties, the less likely that populist leaders will emerge in Latin America. In this article, I define political parties as groups of office-seeking politicians who stay together after they lose an election. In this way, I do not rely on a shared ideology as a necessary condition for a true political party to exist. In addition, this definition allows me to distinguish political party from electoral coalitions formed for a single election & from parties that form before an election & disappear immediately after. By analyzing recent & historic Latin American cases that support this thesis, I suggest that countries where stable & strong political parties exist are less likely to experience populist phenomena. I also argue that populist experiences in those countries are always associated with weakening political parties. Yet, the existence of political parties is a necessary, not a sufficient, condition to prevent the emergence of populism. 2 Figures, 14 References. Adapted from the source document.

A review essay on a book by Ernesto Laclau, La Razon Populista (Buenos Aires, Mexico: FCE, 312pp). References.