Multilateralism has been low on the American foreign policy agenda during the Bush-administration, but many Europeans seem to think that this will change after the upcoming elections. This might be right, but the changes will not reflect European desires. This article starts out by debunking some prevalent European myths about US politics. This is followed by a discussion of the central aspects of American foreign policy thought, & how the presidential candidates reappraise historical themes. In the last part of the article, American neo-sovereignty is contrasted with European post-sovereignty & the conclusion spells out some of the dilemmas facing them both. Figures, References. Adapted from the source document.
The article explores the development in Brazil after Luis Inazio da Silva, Lula, gained power a year ago. This vast & resourceful country, with its 182 million inhabitants, has experienced an immense growth over the last century. The welfare gap is however equally large. The richest percent of the population has an income equal to that of the poorest half. Brazil now puts her faith in President Lula, who vows to redistribute the country's wealth through a national compromise & a new corporate community contract: He wants support from all sectors & classes. Lula's "new rhythm" the bossa nova -- represents a Latin American third way, reflecting considerable knowledge of the post-war "Nordic model.". 19 References. Adapted from the source document.
In the fall of 2005, the Danish paper Jyllands-Posten printed a dozen cartoons depicting the Prophet Muhammad. During the ensuing debate, a group of Danish Muslims wrote a critical pamphlet on the affair & visited several Middle-Eastern countries where they presented their side of the story. Their actions helped trigger the wave of anti-Danish demonstrations that washed across the Middle East in the spring of 2006. Western commentators criticized the actions of the Danish Muslims, condemning the way in which the group had contacted authorities of alien states to bring pressure to bear on their own behalf. This, however, has long been common practice among Western groups - especially among liberal groups that seek to further individual freedoms & rights. Several lessons may be drawn from this so-called cartoon affair. One of them is that the tactics of these Western liberals can easily be adopted by others. In a globalized world, these tactics may even be used against liberal Western ideals. Figures, References. Adapted from the source document.
Established in 1937, the Norwegian journal Internasjonal politikk (IP) came about as an important part of efforts to establish International Relations as a field of study in Norway. Elsewhere, interest in the field was already evident in the aftermath of the First World War. In response to an approach by the Institute of Intellectual Cooperation in Paris towards members of the Norwegian academic community, a committee for the pursuit of the study of International Relations in Norway was formed in 1936, headed by Nobel Peace Prize Laureate Christian Lous Lange of Norway. From 1937 on, the publication of a Norwegian-language journal of International Relations became a major focus of the work of the committee. Its profile was established in the first issue: the journal was to be "impartial, objective and written in a popular form". Arne Ording, a historian and leading architect of Norway's Second World War and post-war foreign policy, was to be the first editor of Internasjonal Politikk. In 1960, the journal was transferred to the newly established Norwegian Institute of International Affairs (NUPI). Here it became part of the institute's strategy for research on International Relations in general and Norwegian foreign policy in particular, and as an important part of this, research-based public information. Since Internasjonal politikk was not published during the five years of Nazi occupation, it turns 70 in the year of its 65th volume. Adapted from the source document.
Norwegian foreign policy discourse is mainly based on the premise that Norway is a "small state." This insistence has linked it to another discourse within the IR community, namely small state literature. The author examines this tradition critically, emphasizing its main tenet: the significance of military power. Paradoxically, one might say, because this way of thinking presupposes a "great power" perspective. Small states have usually been regarded as too weak to influence world politics to any significant extent, but this view is only valid within a "Westphalian" political order. The article explores the various attempts of defining the small state, & the general perception of a specific small state behavior. These efforts, however, presuppose a kind of similarity between small states, which is not historically evident. Instead the author highlights the significance of studying small states more historically, taking into consideration the great variations between them. In recent years, the claim that there exists a universal small state behavior has been challenged by developments within the EU. This "post Westphalian" kind of political order demonstrates the way in which small states within the community now develop a new sense of "activism" & a new small state identity -- changes which add up to a radically new small state profile. 120 References. Adapted from the source document.
Draws on the New Regionalism Approach (NRA) to analyze the political economy of the new regionalism in southern Africa in the post-Cold War & postapartheid era. The NRA challenges much of conventional wisdom in the field, which is seen as narrowly focused on intergovernmental regional organizations & intraregional trade. The analysis identifies four main types of regionalism in southern Africa, which to a large extent occur within the larger context of economic globalization, neoliberalism, & the retreat of the state: (1) open regionalism, (2) microregionalism, (3) private firms led regionalism, & (4) informal regionalism from below. Both open regionalism & microregionalism (as built around the concept of spatial development initiatives) seek to reinforce economic globalization & market integration, & attract foreign direct investment to bankable private investment projects. Together with the firms driven regionalism, which is constructed by & around large South African business enterprises, these three types of regionalism sustain a particular pattern of elite driven regionalism centered on economic growth, trade, & capital intensive projects in the formal economy, with little focus on development & poverty reduction. To a large extent, the myriad of activities included in informal regionalism from below emerges as a consequence of the negative & exclusionary effects of neoliberalism & the three types of elite driven regionalism. 47 References. Adapted from the source document.
For tjue ar siden pavirket utgivelsen av rapporten 'New Dimensions of Security' fra FNs utvikhngsprogram, UNDP, en allerede gryende debatt om sikkerhet. I denne artikkelen undersokes dagens status for human security som et komplekst og mangfoldig kunnskapsfelt. I fire steg diskuterer jeg begrepets fleksibilitet, vektleggingen av subjektivitet og kontekstuelle og helhetlige forstaelser av sikkerhet. Videre droftes human security som del av en etisk utenrikspolitikk og militaere intervensjoner i tiden etter den kalde krigen. Human security har som kunnskapsfelt en iboende spenning mellom analyser av usikkerhet og sosial organisering pa lokalt niva og human security som retorisk instrument for a legitimere fred/krigforing. A undersoke og forsta den symbolske makten i det vage og abstrakte begrepet human security, bade slik det framstar og brukes i konkrete sammenhenger, kan vaere en vei til kritiske analyser i dette kunnskapsfeltet Twenty years ago the release of the UNDP report 'New Dimensions of Security' stimulated what was already a sprawling debate on security. This article explores the status of human security today as a complex and diverse field of knowledge. In four steps I discuss the flexibility of the concept, the emphasis on subjectivity, contextual and holistic understandings of security as well as how human security is part of an ethical and interventionist foreign policy in the post-cold-war era. I argue that human security as a field of knowledge is characterized by tension. A key tension is between an analytical approach to insecurities and social organization on the local level and analyses of human security as a rhetorical tool legitimizing peace-/war-making. Exploring the symbolic power in the vague and abstract notion of human security, how it is represented and employed in concrete contexts, is one approach to critical analysis in this field. Adapted from the source document.
"Post-war expansion of the welfare state is one of the most central changes in Norwegian society today and is often a topic in public debate. When certain conceptions about the welfare state are developed and they are no longer based on systematic analyses but rather ideas and attitudes, they can turn into myths. However, to be termed myths requires documentation, and here social research plays an important role. This book rejects and elaborates central myths in the public debate about the welfare state. The book is structured as an anthology, written by six welfare sociologists at the University of Bergen. The first article introduces the history of The Myth of the Welfare State, a book published by Pax in 1970, then revised a few years later, and with a follow-up version in 1995, 25 years after that. The book became a flaming light within the social policy debate, because it criticized the welfare state for not solving the problem of poverty. Although this problem, relatively seen, is reduced, the following five articles show that, within the framework of the welfare state, there is room for new important critical discussions. One myth focuses on the idea that a combination of a comprehensive state and an active civil society with much voluntary work is not possible. Another concerns the idea that welfare results in dependency. A third is about the "Elder Boom". A fourth concerns single mothers and assumes that these unlawfully try to get access to welfare. And finally, the last discusses the ideas that crime should result in punishment and "prison pain". Together, the articles are a contribution to make the debate about the welfare state richer and more dynamic." - "Utbyggingen av velferdsstaten i etterkrigstiden hører til en av de mest sentrale endringer i det norske samfunn, og er ofte et tema i den offentlige debatt. Når bestemte forestillinger om velferdsstaten utvikles og de ikke lenger bygger på systematiske analyser, men på ideer og holdninger, kan de bli til myter. At det er snakk om myter, må imidlertid dokumenteres, og her spiller samfunnsforskningen en viktig rolle. Denne boken tilbakeviser og nyanserer sentrale myter i den offentlige debatt om velferdsstaten. Boken er bygget opp som en antologi, skrevet av seks velferdssosiologer fra Universitetet i Bergen. Den første artikkelen gir en innføring i historien om Myten om velferdsstaten, en bok utgitt av Pax i 1970, siden revidert noen år etter og med en oppfølger i 1995, 25 år etter. Boken ble en brannfakkel i den sosialpolitiske debatt, fordi den kritiserte velferdsstaten for ikke å håndtere fattigdomsproblemet. Selv om dette problemet, relativt sett, er redusert, utgjør de etterfølgende artiklene om fem aktuelle velferdsmyter en argumentasjon for, at det, innenfor velferdsstatens rammer, er rom for nye viktige kritiske diskusjoner. Én myte handler om at en sterk stat ikke kan forenes med et aktivt samfunn med stor grad av frivillighet. En annen handler om at velferd skaper avhengighet. En tredje handler om eldrebølgen. En fjerde handler om at alenemødre antas å lure til seg velferd. Og endelig handler en siste myte om at kriminalitet må møtes med straff og 'fengselspine'. Artiklene er samlet sett et bidrag til å gjøre debatten om velferdsstaten rikere og mer dynamisk."
