Albania experienced the harshest totalitarian regime in Europe for almost 45 years. The Communist regime in Albania was characterized by complete isolation from the rest of the world. The legacy of the past, which resulted in extreme poverty and the lack of a democratic culture, is the main factor inhibiting Albania's democratisation. The central focus of this article is to evaluate the role of the Socialist Party during the transition from Communism to a democratic system. Albanian democracy faces a number of persistent challenges, thus making Albania's post-Communist transition highly uncertain.
We will argue that Communism left long lasting effects on the ways in which patriotism was perceived and executed through labor. Specifically we will look into the ways in which laborers, namely athletes, both intentionally and unintentionally used their work to gain privileges. ; https://digitalcommons.ursinus.edu/cold_war_lives/1000/thumbnail.jpg
In the former socialist redistributive economies, the transition to market economy and the conversion to private ownership followed different trajectories. The paper offers an overview on how a new class of grand bourgeoisie was formed in three different regions of the transition: Central Europe, Russia and China. In Central Europe this new class often was recruited from the ranks of the socialist technocratic elite who used their managerial skills, inside knowledge and political connections to convert public property into private wealth. The large propertied class of Central Europe is well formed, and private property rights are secure. In Russia, the new grand bourgeoisie was typically 'appointed' by the top political boss, and as leadership changed, the members of this class had to assure the new leader of their loyalty. Failure to do so meant loss of property, exile or jailed. In China, the transition to market economy occurred 'from below'. Many of the wealthy started out with small private businesses that expanded over time. Once they became known to be wealthy, they needed political protection and were vulnerably to political rivalry. Private property in China - much like in Russia - is still rather insecure, and politics are in command.
The main task of this article is the conceptualization of post-communism. The article seeks to challenge the persistence tendency to describe post-communism only as a political and geographical phenomenon. Post-communism is shown to be a complex process that fits uneasily into pre-given categories. Ideology as a complex of theories, convictions, beliefs, argumentative procedures is one of the most important dimensions of post-communism. This article insists on the importance of ideology without falling into the traps of either determinism or historicism. The article challenges the dominant universal discourse of political liberalism, which sees post-communist change as a one-way process of transition to liberal democracy and free market. This universal politics of post-communism produces new hierarchies and forms of exclusion between 'postmodern' West and 'post-communist' East. Thus we need to employ the tools of post-colonialism and postmodernism to explore and deconstruct the operation of the concept of post-communism through language, culture and institutions. The article argues that so called neutral 'post-ideological consensus' is actually ideological and contradictory. Post-communism is not the objective 'transitional' reality, rather it is the subjective (mis)perception of ideological representations. The article also challenges the myths of 'the end of ideology', 'the end of communism' and 'the end of modernity'. Post-communism is not the transitional condition from ideology of communism to 'post-ideological' liberal democracy, but rather the complex, ambivalent and long historical norm, or, in other words, specific type of modernity.
The main task of this article is the conceptualization of post-communism. The article seeks to challenge the persistence tendency to describe post-communism only as a political and geographical phenomenon. Post-communism is shown to be a complex process that fits uneasily into pre-given categories. Ideology as a complex of theories, convictions, beliefs, argumentative procedures is one of the most important dimensions of post-communism. This article insists on the importance of ideology without falling into the traps of either determinism or historicism. The article challenges the dominant universal discourse of political liberalism, which sees post-communist change as a one-way process of transition to liberal democracy and free market. This universal politics of post-communism produces new hierarchies and forms of exclusion between 'postmodern' West and 'post-communist' East. Thus we need to employ the tools of post-colonialism and postmodernism to explore and deconstruct the operation of the concept of post-communism through language, culture and institutions. The article argues that so called neutral 'post-ideological consensus' is actually ideological and contradictory. Post-communism is not the objective 'transitional' reality, rather it is the subjective (mis)perception of ideological representations. The article also challenges the myths of 'the end of ideology', 'the end of communism' and 'the end of modernity'. Post-communism is not the transitional condition from ideology of communism to 'post-ideological' liberal democracy, but rather the complex, ambivalent and long historical norm, or, in other words, specific type of modernity.
The main task of this article is the conceptualization of post-communism. The article seeks to challenge the persistence tendency to describe post-communism only as a political and geographical phenomenon. Post-communism is shown to be a complex process that fits uneasily into pre-given categories. Ideology as a complex of theories, convictions, beliefs, argumentative procedures is one of the most important dimensions of post-communism. This article insists on the importance of ideology without falling into the traps of either determinism or historicism. The article challenges the dominant universal discourse of political liberalism, which sees post-communist change as a one-way process of transition to liberal democracy and free market. This universal politics of post-communism produces new hierarchies and forms of exclusion between 'postmodern' West and 'post-communist' East. Thus we need to employ the tools of post-colonialism and postmodernism to explore and deconstruct the operation of the concept of post-communism through language, culture and institutions. The article argues that so called neutral 'post-ideological consensus' is actually ideological and contradictory. Post-communism is not the objective 'transitional' reality, rather it is the subjective (mis)perception of ideological representations. The article also challenges the myths of 'the end of ideology', 'the end of communism' and 'the end of modernity'. Post-communism is not the transitional condition from ideology of communism to 'post-ideological' liberal democracy, but rather the complex, ambivalent and long historical norm, or, in other words, specific type of modernity.
The main task of this article is the conceptualization of post-communism. The article seeks to challenge the persistence tendency to describe post-communism only as a political and geographical phenomenon. Post-communism is shown to be a complex process that fits uneasily into pre-given categories. Ideology as a complex of theories, convictions, beliefs, argumentative procedures is one of the most important dimensions of post-communism. This article insists on the importance of ideology without falling into the traps of either determinism or historicism. The article challenges the dominant universal discourse of political liberalism, which sees post-communist change as a one-way process of transition to liberal democracy and free market. This universal politics of post-communism produces new hierarchies and forms of exclusion between 'postmodern' West and 'post-communist' East. Thus we need to employ the tools of post-colonialism and postmodernism to explore and deconstruct the operation of the concept of post-communism through language, culture and institutions. The article argues that so called neutral 'post-ideological consensus' is actually ideological and contradictory. Post-communism is not the objective 'transitional' reality, rather it is the subjective (mis)perception of ideological representations. The article also challenges the myths of 'the end of ideology', 'the end of communism' and 'the end of modernity'. Post-communism is not the transitional condition from ideology of communism to 'post-ideological' liberal democracy, but rather the complex, ambivalent and long historical norm, or, in other words, specific type of modernity.
The main task of this article is the conceptualization of post-communism. The article seeks to challenge the persistence tendency to describe post-communism only as a political and geographical phenomenon. Post-communism is shown to be a complex process that fits uneasily into pre-given categories. Ideology as a complex of theories, convictions, beliefs, argumentative procedures is one of the most important dimensions of post-communism. This article insists on the importance of ideology without falling into the traps of either determinism or historicism.The article challenges the dominant universal discourse of political liberalism, which sees post-communist change as a one-way process of transition to liberal democracy and free market. This universal politics of post-communism produces new hierarchies and forms of exclusion between 'postmodern' West and 'post-communist' East. Thus we need to employ the tools of post-colonialism and postmodernism to explore and deconstruct the operation of the concept of post-communism through language, culture and institutions.The article argues that so called neutral 'post-ideological consensus' is actually ideological and contradictory. Post-communism is not the objective 'transitional' reality, rather it is the subjective (mis)perception of ideological representations. The article also challenges the myths of 'the end of ideology', 'the end of communism' and 'the end of modernity'. Post-communism is not the transitional condition from ideology of communism to 'post-ideological' liberal democracy, but rather the complex, ambivalent and long historical norm, or, in other words, specific type of modernity. ; Straipsnio tikslas – apibrėžti postkomunizmo politinės filosofijos analizės prielaidas naujai artikuliuojant postkomunizmo, ideologijos, postideologijos ir diskurso sampratas. Postkomunizmas yra tęstinė hibridinė būklė, kuri atsiranda sąveikaujant dekolonizacijos, modernizacijos, postmodernizacijos, globalizacijos procesams. Postkomunizmo kaip būklės apibrėžimas reikalauja nagrinėti šį reiškinį kompleksiškai, įtraukiant į analizę prieštaringų ideologinių diskursų reprezentacijas, atsižvelgiant į postkomunizmo demokratijos problemas, atsirandančias posttotalitarizmo laikotarpiu. Straipsnyje, remiantis postideologijos tezės kritika, teigiama, kad santykio tarp postkomunizmo ir ideologinių diskursų bei santykio tarp postkomunizmo ir postkolonializmo problemų artikuliavimas padeda geriau suprasti postkomunizmo fenomeną.
In Kubik (2009), I reviewed the three basic types of ethnography and outlined their uses for political scientists. I begin by summarizing my conclusions.
- ; This paper is based on an analysis of electoral support to left-wing movements of parties and blocs in Ukraine from 1998 to 2006. It argues that traditional left-wing ideologies and thereby the position of the left-wing parties have eroded in the political landscape of Ukraine. The authors hold that this is due not only to the decline of traditional left-wing ideologies in Ukraine's electorate, but also to the return of a strong managed party for the Eastern regions of the country.
The aim of this dissertation is to analyze the relationship between the event of post-communism and the democratic nature of the political. Three main tendencies of post-communist condition are analyzed: the relationship between post-communism and historicism; the interaction between post-communism, liberalism and postmodernism; the relationship between unitarism and pluralism. The fundamental assumption of the analysis is the significance of post-foundational political thought for the understanding of post-communism. Post-communism is analyzed not as linear liberal modernization, but as democratic transformation. Post-communism is the hybrid condition that includes the alter egos of communism, liberalism and postmodernism. Post-communism assimilates the potential alter egos of liberalism and postmodernism and therefore transforms the distinction of friend/enemy to the criterion of friend/friend, which ignores the nature of the political. Condition of post-communism requires not the eradication of differencies, but self-reflection of the differential nature of the political. The task of new democracy of post-communism is to articulate the possibility of democratic pluralistic politics under post-totalitarian conditions. However, post-communism is reluctant to accept the dimension of post-totalitarianism and tries to converge with universal post-liberalism. Dominating liberal pluralism assimilates democratic pluralism which becomes democratic procedural minimalism.
The aim of this dissertation is to analyze the relationship between the event of post-communism and the democratic nature of the political. Three main tendencies of post-communist condition are analyzed: the relationship between post-communism and historicism; the interaction between post-communism, liberalism and postmodernism; the relationship between unitarism and pluralism. The fundamental assumption of the analysis is the significance of post-foundational political thought for the understanding of post-communism. Post-communism is analyzed not as linear liberal modernization, but as democratic transformation. Post-communism is the hybrid condition that includes the alter egos of communism, liberalism and postmodernism. Post-communism assimilates the potential alter egos of liberalism and postmodernism and therefore transforms the distinction of friend/enemy to the criterion of friend/friend, which ignores the nature of the political. Condition of post-communism requires not the eradication of differencies, but self-reflection of the differential nature of the political. The task of new democracy of post-communism is to articulate the possibility of democratic pluralistic politics under post-totalitarian conditions. However, post-communism is reluctant to accept the dimension of post-totalitarianism and tries to converge with universal post-liberalism. Dominating liberal pluralism assimilates democratic pluralism which becomes democratic procedural minimalism.
The aim of this dissertation is to analyze the relationship between the event of post-communism and the democratic nature of the political. Three main tendencies of post-communist condition are analyzed: the relationship between post-communism and historicism; the interaction between post-communism, liberalism and postmodernism; the relationship between unitarism and pluralism. The fundamental assumption of the analysis is the significance of post-foundational political thought for the understanding of post-communism. Post-communism is analyzed not as linear liberal modernization, but as democratic transformation. Post-communism is the hybrid condition that includes the alter egos of communism, liberalism and postmodernism. Post-communism assimilates the potential alter egos of liberalism and postmodernism and therefore transforms the distinction of friend/enemy to the criterion of friend/friend, which ignores the nature of the political. Condition of post-communism requires not the eradication of differencies, but self-reflection of the differential nature of the political. The task of new democracy of post-communism is to articulate the possibility of democratic pluralistic politics under post-totalitarian conditions. However, post-communism is reluctant to accept the dimension of post-totalitarianism and tries to converge with universal post-liberalism. Dominating liberal pluralism assimilates democratic pluralism which becomes democratic procedural minimalism.
The aim of this dissertation is to analyze the relationship between the event of post-communism and the democratic nature of the political. Three main tendencies of post-communist condition are analyzed: the relationship between post-communism and historicism; the interaction between post-communism, liberalism and postmodernism; the relationship between unitarism and pluralism. The fundamental assumption of the analysis is the significance of post-foundational political thought for the understanding of post-communism. Post-communism is analyzed not as linear liberal modernization, but as democratic transformation. Post-communism is the hybrid condition that includes the alter egos of communism, liberalism and postmodernism. Post-communism assimilates the potential alter egos of liberalism and postmodernism and therefore transforms the distinction of friend/enemy to the criterion of friend/friend, which ignores the nature of the political. Condition of post-communism requires not the eradication of differencies, but self-reflection of the differential nature of the political. The task of new democracy of post-communism is to articulate the possibility of democratic pluralistic politics under post-totalitarian conditions. However, post-communism is reluctant to accept the dimension of post-totalitarianism and tries to converge with universal post-liberalism. Dominating liberal pluralism assimilates democratic pluralism which becomes democratic procedural minimalism.
This search contains post-communism countries transitions to democracy and heritage that was left after that in society. Now in Lithuania some problems are seen that makes influence to Scandinavian model welfare state building processes. First of all, the main aim of this paper: post-communist countries didn't found till now the most optimal and advantageous welfare state model. The main reason is that communism system recollection has influence on society expectations in Lithuania welfare state policy. So, the key object of this paper is Lithuania welfare state policy after rapid reforms. Secondly, the main problems are: to reveal post-communism transformations heritage; to give Scandinavia welfare state model as an example; to discuss Lithuania legitimate basis on welfare state policy; to analyze if this model could be applied in post-communist Lithuania. Welfare state model in Scandinavia contains strong labor market, solid economy and generous welfare spending. The results of analyze shows, that welfare state won't be built in Lithuania unless people will start to care about all society well-being, not only individual and most of the time – material. Statistic data of searches or interviews how people grades well-being shows, that Lithuania is far more lagging behind Scandinavia and Europe average level. So, in order to make welfare state policy successful society needs to get more solidarity, which was impossible in communism. Moreover, Lithuania economy needs to get more stability, in order to get incomes that could be allocated for social care. The unity of society could be create through trade unions, that are very strong in Scandinavia, but in Lithuania people heavily joins to this practice and have less political influence. Lastly, society needs to depend more on politicians that are in Scandinavia ant politician's needs to begin making decisions that is in service for all society well-being.
