Suchergebnisse

How the World Changed Social Media is the first book in Why We Post, a book series that investigates the findings of anthropologists who each spent 15 months living in communities across the world. This book offers a comparative analysis summarising the results of the research and explores the impact of social media on politics and gender, education and commerce. What is the result of the increased emphasis on visual communication? Are we becoming more individual or more social? Why is public social media so conservative? Why does equality online fail to shift inequality offline? How did memes become the moral police of the internet?

Supported by an introduction to the project's academic framework and theoretical terms that help to account for the findings, the book argues that the only way to appreciate and understand something as intimate and ubiquitous as social media is to be immersed in the lives of the people who post. Only then can we discover how people all around the world have already transformed social media in such unexpected ways and assess the consequences. - ஒன்பது மானுடவியலாளர்கள் பிரேசில், சீனா, இந்தியா, துருக்கி, இங்கிலாந்து, சிலி, டிரினிடாட், இத்தாலி போன்ற ஒன்பது வெவ்வேறு சமூகங்களில் 15 மாதங்களை தங்கியிருந்து நடத்திய ஆய்வின் கண்டுபிடிப்புகளை ஆராயும் "நாம் ஏன் பதிவிடுகிறோம்" என்ற புத்தக வரிசையின் முதல் புத்தகம் தான் உலகம் சமூக ஊடகங்களை எப்படி மாற்றியிருக்கிறது என்ற இந்தப் புத்தகம். இது மேற்கூறிய ஆராய்ச்சியின் முடிவுகளை தொகுத்து வழங்கியும், அரசியல், கல்வி, பாலினம், வணிகம் ஆகியவற்றின் மீது சமூக ஊடகங்களின் தாக்கத்தைப் பற்றி ஆராய்ந்தும், ஒரு ஒப்பீட்டு ஆய்வினை வழங்குகிறது. காட்சிக்குரிய தகவல் பரிமாற்றத்தின் மீதான அதிக முக்கியத்துவத்தின் விளைவுகள் என்ன? நாம் அதிக தனிமையானவர்களாக ஆகிவருகிறோமா அல்லது அதிக சமூகமயமானவர்களாக ஆகிவருகிறோமா? பொதுநோக்கிய சமூக ஊடகங்கள் ஏன் மிகவும் பழமைவாதம் நிறைந்ததாக இருக்கிறது? நிகழ்நிலையில் உள்ள சமத்துவத்தால், இயல்புநிலையில் உள்ள சமத்துவமின்மையை ஏன் மாற்ற முடியவில்லை? மீம்கள் எப்படி இணையத்தின் மரபுக் காவலர்களாக மாறின? போன்றவை தான் அவை.

One of the first ethnographic studies to explore use of social media in the everyday lives of people in Tamil Nadu, Social Media in South India provides an understanding of this subject in a region experiencing rapid transformation. The influx of IT companies over the past decade into what was once a space dominated by agriculture has resulted in a complex juxtaposition between an evolving knowledge economy and the traditions of rural life. While certain class tensions have emerged in response to this juxtaposition, a study of social media in the region suggests that similarities have also transpired, observed most clearly in the blurring of boundaries between work and life for both the old residents and the new.

Venkatraman explores the impact of social media at home, work and school, and analyses the influence of class, caste, age and gender on how, and which, social media platforms are used in different contexts. These factors, he argues, have a significant effect on social media use, suggesting that social media in South India, while seeming to induce societal change, actually remains bound by local traditions and practices. - दक्षिण भारत पर सामाजिक मीडिया, जो तमिलनाडु में लोगों के दैनिक जीवन में सामाजिक मीडिया के उपयोग पर अन्वेषण करनेवाले पहले के नृवंशवैज्ञानिक अध्ययनों पर एक है, तेज़ी परिवर्तन का अनुभव करनेवाले एक क्षेत्र में इस विषय का ज्ञान प्रदान करता है. जो एक समय कृषि से हावी किया गया था, उस क्षेत्र पर पिछले दशक में आईटी कंपनियों का प्रवेश, एक उद्विकासी ज्ञान अर्थव्यवस्था और ग्रामीण जीवन की परिपाटी के बीच एक जटिल मुकाबला का कारण बन गया है. जबकि इस मुकाबले के उत्तरक्रिया के रूप में कुछ वर्गीय तनाव प्रकट हुए हैं, इस क्षेत्र के सामाजिक मीडिया पर अध्ययन इसका प्रस्ताव करता है कि समरूपता का भी पता चलता है, जो पुराने और नए निवासियों के काम और जीवन की सीमाओं के धुंधुला होने से अधिक स्पष्ट रूप से अवलोकन किया जाता है.

वेंकटरामन घर, काम और स्कूल पर सामाजिक मीडिया के प्रभाव पर अन्वेषण करते हैं और वर्ग, जाति, उम्र और लिंग के प्रभाव पर इसका विश्लेशण करते हैं कि जैसे और जो सामाजिक मीडिया के मंच विभिन्न सन्दर्भों पर उपयोग किये जाते हैं. वे ऐसा तर्क करते हैं कि ये कारक के सामाजिक मीडिया के उपयोग पर महत्वपूर्ण प्रभाव होता है और इसका प्रस्ताव करते हैं दक्षिण भारत में सामाजिक मीडिया, यद्यपि सामाजिक परिवर्तन को प्रेरित करने लगता है, वास्तव में सामाजिक परिपाटी और प्रयोग से सीमित हैं.

The study analyses the post-socialist codes of private law. It evaluates them in the history of codification, presents their social background and contrasts the monistic and dualistic approach of codification.

In South America in the 1960s and 1970s the contradictions of economic, social and political structures were deepening. The excepcional states of the new militarism appeared on the continent. Formally these state systems were set up by the institutional takeover of the armed forces. The military governments strove for the total reorganization and modernization of the societies in their all ‒ economic, political and ideological ‒ territories.The break-down of the military dictatorships in South America, in the one of three semi-peripherical areas of the world, took place in the 1970s and 1980s and 1990s and it was followed by the restoration of the civil governing in the form of hybrid systems. All these processes constituted the parts of the democratization.However in those societies have been present the authoritarian enclaves and the so-called "powers that be" as well as the inherited non-elected system of institutions of the controlled democray endangering the democratic establishment.The study aims at analizing these processes, the governmental and the state structures and the Económic transformations on the ground of the Brazilian experiences.

This paper aims to give a comprehensive picture of the objectives and perspectives behind the creation of the Central European Initiative (CEI). It also analyzes the role of CEI in the political, economic and social transition in the post-Socialist states. The article studies how CEI helped the integration of the Central European countries to the Western institutions, especially to the European Union (EU). The cooperation was founded in 1989 by Austria, Hungary, Italy, and Yugoslavia. It was unique and special in the era, as it had member states from totally different political and economic blocks. There are more approaches to explain the creation of this cooperation. According to the Liberal one, the founder states wished to create a flexible platform for the cooperation of countries from different blocks. This was also a political initiative to overcome on the divisions of bipolarity and the Cold War. The laid down political objectives in the official documents included the values represented by the European institutions. These values were adopted by the post-Socialist states. At the project level, the initiatives of CEI indirectly contributed to the economic and social transition in these countries. CEI and EU progressively built their close relations, and the support of EU integration became the mission of CEI. If we study the EU accessions in the region, we can state, CEI had a successful and important role in bringing closer the post-Socialist states to the EU.

The Repatriation Campaigns of People's Democracies 1954–1956 During the Cold War the intention to gain political influence over migrant groups (and to entice them to come home), or to retain it (and to successfully integrate them into society) was part of the foreign-policy struggle between the two opposing power blocks. The Post-Stalin Soviet foreign policy has thrown itself into this political struggle with a remarkably flexible institutional and political-ideological aim. The Eastern European small and medium allies have followed the example of "the big brother" within their own capacities. The Hungarian foreign policy was particularly adept in this at the time whose technics of temptation to lure migrants home from abroad formed the basis of the similar or renewed effort of the Kádár government from the end of 1956 onward. ; The Repatriation Campaigns of People's Democracies 1954–1956 During the Cold War the intention to gain political influence over migrant groups (and to entice them to come home), or to retain it (and to successfully integrate them into society) was part of the foreign-policy struggle between the two opposing power blocks. The Post-Stalin Soviet foreign policy has thrown itself into this political struggle with a remarkably flexible institutional and political-ideological aim. The Eastern European small and medium allies have followed the example of "the big brother" within their own capacities. The Hungarian foreign policy was particularly adept in this at the time whose technics of temptation to lure migrants home from abroad formed the basis of the similar or renewed effort of the Kádár government from the end of 1956 onward.

This paper is aimed at analysing the impact of the crisis of the liberal international order on the transatlantic relations. Both the EU and the US have vital interest to maintain the existing international order, however regarding certain foreign policy goals we witness an increasingly divergent approach to world politics. This is the case with the Middle East, where the EU acts as a global player based on historical ties, while the United States have recently started a gradual disengagement from the region. The so-called post-American Middle East have its own opportunities as well as challenges for the European diplomacy. This article focuses on the differences between the EU and the US foreign policy goals related to the Middle East. It primarily addresses the Iranian nuclear program and the Middle East Peace Plan recently launched by the US. The author argues despite some differences in interests, the EU and the US do not perceive the region in an entirely different way.