Suchergebnisse

The aim of this paper is to analyze the relationship between public policies, political conflict and post-neoliberalism in the Ecuadorian political process started in 2007 with Rafael Correa´s government. Specifically, this work examines the conflict known as "30-S" carried out by members of the police and military forces in September 2010 due to the Public Service Organic Law, which restructured some areas of the public service field. For that purpose, this work proposes a theoretical and methodological approach focusing on the intersections between a structural-critical juncture level and the "agency" level of the social subjects involved in specific political arenas. ; El artículo se propone indagar en la relación entre post-neoliberalismo, políticas públicas y conflicto político en el marco del proceso político ecuatorianoinaugurado en 2007 con el gobierno de Rafael Correa. Específicamente, se centra en el conflicto conocido como "30-S", protagonizado en septiembre de 2010 por la Policía Nacional y un sector de las Fuerzas Armadas, contra el gobierno nacional a raíz de la aprobación de la Ley Orgánica de Servicio Público (LOSEP) que reestructuraba ciertos ámbitos del sector público. Para ello, se presenta un enfoque teórico-metodológico para estudiar las intersecciones entre un nivel "estructural-coyuntural" y un nivel "agencial" de los sujetos sociales implicados en específicos escenarios políticos.

Based on ethnographic work and the analysis of social programs and public speeches, I examine the relationship between governmental measures and the (re)production or containment of conditions of inequality experienced by street vendors in Mexico City during the COVID-19 pandemic. I argue that from the president's office the symbolic violence of discourses (linked to urban neoliberalism) that stigmatize workers given their structural impossibility of complying with confinement norms was confronted. However, it was precisely the structural economic violence which was not contained by social policies that effectively suspend the workers' dependence on the market, especially during the moments of greatest risk and major restrictions on economic activities. This forced them to go out to the streets in search for income, thus failing to comply with the official regulations and exposing them to illness, as well as to administrative sanctions and police repression for working. ; Con base en trabajo etnográfico y análisis de discursos públicos y políticas sociales, examino la relación entre las medidas gubernamentales y la (re)producción o contención de condiciones de desigualdad vividas por comerciantes callejeros en la Ciudad de México, en el marco de la pandemia de COVID-19. Expongo que, desde la presidencia del país, se confrontó la violencia simbólica de discursos (vinculados al neoliberalismo urbano) que estigmatizan a los trabajadores por su imposibilidad estructural de cumplir con las medidas de confinamiento. Empero, precisamente la violencia económica estructural no fue contenida por políticas sociales que suspendieran efectivamente la dependencia de estos comerciantes al mercado, especialmente durante los momentos de mayor peligro y de mayores restricciones de las actividades económicas. Esto los forzó a salir a la calle en busca de ingresos, incumpliendo las disposiciones oficiales y exponiéndolos al contagio, a sanciones administrativas y represión policial por trabajar. ; A partir d'un travail ...

La administración presidencial de Rafael Correa, iniciada en el 2007, forma parte de la tendencia política post-neoliberal que presentan algunos países de la región. En materia de política pública, este gobierno se planteó como desafío transformar y modernizar la Policía Nacional como parte de un nuevo modelo de seguridad integral. ¿Qué cambios estructurales ha experimentado la cuestión policial en el Ecuador? ¿Qué explica y qué razonamiento político está asociado con estos cambios? La presente investigación analizará el ámbito policial y su proceso de cambios, continuidades y retrocesos en el periodo 2007-2013. Se argumentará que pese a existir avances en la transformación de la policía, estos no se enmarcan bajo una orientación programática de una reforma institucional democrática de la policía. Por el contrario, los cambios han obedecido a lógicas de aprendizaje propias del pragmatismo político en el ejercicio del poder y las racionalidades del gobierno contra el delito. La ausencia de esta agenda programática ha dado paso a un proceso de colonización policial en la compresión y conducción política de la institución policial, lo cual ha generado que las reformas iniciadas reproduzcan estructuras tradicionales y corporativas. ; A administração presidencial de Rafael Correa, iniciado em 2007, é parte da tendência política pós-neoliberal exibido por alguns países da região. Em política pública foi criado como um desafio, para transformar e modernizar a Polícia Nacional como parte de um novo modelo de segurança abrangente. Que mudanças estruturais ha experimentado a questão da polícia no Equador? O que explica e o que razão política está associada a essas mudanças? Esta pesquisa deve analisar policiamento e processar mudanças, continuidades e reversões no período de 2007-2013. Será argumentado que, embora haja progresso na transformação da polícia, não caem sob uma orientação programática de uma reforma institucional democrática da polícia. Pelo contrário, as mudanças têm obedecido à própria lógica de pragmatismo político no exercício da lógica do poder e do governo contra o aprendizado crime. A ausência desta agenda programática, deu lugar a um processo de compressão polícia colonização e política da direção da polícia, o que tem gerado as reformas e reproduzir estruturas corporativas tradicionais. ; The administration of President Rafael Correa, which started in 2007 in Ecuador, is part of the post-neoliberal political trend shared by some countries in the Latin American region. In terms of public policy it was conceived as a challenge to transform and modernize the National Police as part of a new model of an integral security system. What structural changes have the police experienced in Ecuador? What political reasoning has been associated with these changes? This article analyzes the changes, continuities and setbacks in the National Police institution from 2007 to 2013. We argue that although there has been progress in the transformation of the police, the key to understand the changes is not within the democratic police reform framework. By contrast, the changes have been part of the typical political pragmatism in the exercise of power and the government rationalities in the fight against crime. The combination of these factors has led to a process of "police-perspective colonization" in understanding and governing the police, which meant that the reforms reproduce traditional corporate structures.

Argentina's post-crisis political economy was viewed as part of the emergence of a post-neoliberal governance and the rise of New Left governments in Latin America in the past decade that marked a renewal of state activism in economy and poverty reduction. Using the concept of new developmentalism' described by Bresser-Pereira, this article offers a more nuanced approach to post-neoliberalism in Argentina. It argues that the post-neoliberal project or neo-developmentalism in Argentina does not mark a distinct departure from neoliberalism. Instead, it embodies a hybrid and complex process that maintains the core elements of economic liberalism. This article aims to contribute to the debates on post-neoliberalism and the New Left in Latin America.

El artículo se propone indagar en la relación entre post-neoliberalismo, políticas públicas y conflicto político en el marco del proceso político ecuatoriano inaugurado en 2007 con el gobierno de Rafael Correa. Específicamente, se centra en el conflicto conocido como "30-S", protagonizado en septiembre de 2010 por la Policía Nacional y un sector de las Fuerzas Armadas, contra el gobierno nacional a raíz de la aprobación de la Ley Orgánica de Servicio Público (LOSEP) que reestructuraba ciertos ámbitos del sector público. Para ello, se presenta un enfoque teórico-metodológico para estudiar las intersecciones entre un nivel "estructural- coyuntural" y un nivel "agencial" de los sujetos sociales implicados en específicos escenarios políticos. ; The aim of this paper is to analyze the relationship between public policies, political conflict and post-neoliberalism in the Ecuadorian political process started in 2007 with Rafael Correa´s government. Specifically, this work examines the conflict known as "30-S" carried out by members of the police and military forces in September 2010 due to the Public Service Organic Law, which restructured some areas of the public service field. For that purpose, this work proposes a theoretical and methodological approach focusing on the intersections between a structural-critical juncture level and the "agency" level of the social subjects involved in specific political arenas. ; Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación

This paper aims to analyze the emergence of Latin America Pink Tide and others, especially in political-economic paradigm (liberalism, neoliberalism and post-neoliberalism). Firstly, this paper describes an international political economy development generally and theoretically. Secondly, it describes political economy conditions in Latin America. Thirdly, it analyzes neoliberalism context that affects the development process in Latin America countries. Fourthly, it analyzes neoliberal development model, which is adopted in the context of Latin America. Fifthly, author is trying to address alternatives of neoliberalism development model that was conceived and adopted by the countries in Latin America, associate with pink tide phenomenon that recently emerging up in most countries in Latin America. Keywords: Alternative model, Development, International Political Economy, Latin America, Liberalism, Neoliberalism, Post-neoliberalism and Pink Tide.

Against the background of neoliberal and globally organized social work, the presentation discusses the very first results of the international research project on cross-border child protection and disability rights in transnational settings (EUR&QUA). According to international Conventions (UNCRC, 1990; UNCRPD, 2006), States parties shall ensure the full realization of all human rights and fundamental freedoms for all children. Such imperatives seem to contradict neoliberal social policy, which is primarily oriented towards marketisation, austerity, and individualisation of social problems (Cummins, 2018). Actually, our research suggests that crossing borders often means breaking off helping relations and absence of professional exchange between care providers. A return to the original life context desired by the clients seems unfeasible. Therefore, we plead for social workers to acquire global, and cross-border competences in this field. Social work needs Machiavellian competences (Kusiak, 2018), which consist of critically illuminating a dominant ideology, conducting research, and acquiring strategic knowledge.

Neoliberal ideology has enjoyed tremendous success over the past thirty-five years by discursively suppressing structural dissent among working and middle class citizens of industrialized countries. The general decline in economic conditions faced by contemporary workers, coupled with the 2008 global financial crisis, forced neoliberal advocates to become more aggressive in their defense of prevailing structural policies and precepts. The suppression of public dissent and the related implementation of austerity measures are frequently justified by a discourse of crisis. In this article and using the methodological as well as theoretical tools afforded by Systemic Functional Linguistics (SFL), we trace the rise of this discourse within universities as a mechanism to justify attacks on academic freedom, collegial governance, and democratic discourse. We also offer a SFL-inspired tool that critical language educators might employ to counter the neoliberal attack on universities as sites of democratic dialogue and debate.

¿How does the Latin American right wing act under left wing governments in recent decades? A response is given using the Ecuadorian case under President Rafael Correa. The contemporary Latin American right wing mainly represents a socio-economic reality of privileged sectors and ideologically comes from neoliberal economic policies. The Ecuadorian right wing in this period channeled its political action through new and old electoral instruments as well as non-electoral ones, while it also looked to moderate and modernize its discourse. After the victory of Correa in 2007, it looked to reorganize itself and fight for local electoral victories, and afterwards, taking advantage of a process of wear of the Correa government and of an economic crisis in the middle of 2010, it mobilized in the streets and returned to fight the new presidential election. That was not enough and the Alianza País movement of Correa went to win again the presidency in 2017 with a new candidate. ; ¿Cómo actúa la derecha latinoamericana bajo gobiernos de izquierda post-neoliberal de décadas recientes? Se responde aquello usando el caso ecuatoriano bajo el presidente Rafael Correa. La derecha latinoamericana contemporánea principalmente representa una realidad socio-económica de sectores privilegiados e ideológicamente parte desde las políticas económicas neoliberales. La derecha ecuatoriana en este periodo canalizó su acción política a través de nuevos y viejos instrumentos electorales y también con repertorios no electorales, al mismo tiempo que buscó moderar y actualizar su discurso. Después de la victoria de Correa en 2007, esta buscó reorganizarse y ganar contiendas electorales locales, para después aprovechar el desgaste del gobierno de Correa y la crisis económica de mitad de los 2010 para movilizarse en las calles y volver a luchar en las elecciones presidenciales. Aquello fue insuficiente por lo cual el movimiento Alianza País de Correa volvió a ganar la presidencia en el 2017 con un nuevo candidato.

The crisis Argentina faced in the late 1980s legitimized a diagnosis that linked the country's poor economic performance to an inward-looking economy, excessive fiscal spending, unwarranted state regulations, a misguided set of incentives that failed to boost competitiveness and the "economic populism" that privileged political goals over economic efficiency. Alternatively, the solution was sought in policies that privileged deregulation, the free flow of commodities and capital, privatization and a selective intervention of the state in the economy. In this article we will account for the shape of neoliberal restructuring in Argentina by drawing attention to the heavy costs stabilization imposed on the country as the decade progressed. We will emphasize the costs the workers were called on to bear and the responses that emerged from them to challenge neoliberalism. La crise qui a frappé l'Argentine à la fin des années 1980 a justifié un diagnostic qui liait la faible performance économique à plusieurs facteurs : le caractère endogène de son économie, les dépenses excessives de l'État, les réglementations mal avisées, les stimulants mal ciblés qui ne sont pas parvenus à soutenir la compétitivité et le « populisme économique » qui privilégiait les finalités politiques plutôt que l'efficacité économique. En réponse à ce diagnostic, les solutions privilégiées visaient la déréglementation, la libre circulation des marchandises et du capital, les privatisations et l'intervention ciblée de l'État dans l'économie. Cet article présente la configuration des réformes néolibérales en Argentine en insistant sur les coûts élevés que la stabilisation a entraînés au cours de la décennie. Nous soulignons l'importance du fardeau imposé aux travailleurs et travailleuses ainsi que leurs réactions pour contrer le néolibéralisme.

Fiona Dukelow and Patricia Kennett examine the post-2008 welfare states in Ireland, Britain, and the US. They explain how each of these countries experienced an acceleration in the operation of disciplinary neoliberalism - through punitive regimes of surveillance and sanctions - and consider the implications of these contemporary welfare policies.

Many scholars have asked themselves if and for how long they should use the concept of "post-socialism." We review some ways in which post-socialism is no longer used productively and suggest that one way to analyze the enduring effects of socialism (a useful role for the concept of post-socialism) is by paying attention to how economic and political elites in Central and Eastern Europe continue to use the ghost of state-socialism as the ultimate boogeyman, disciplinary device, and "ideological antioxidant." We call this blend of post-1989 anti-communism and neoliberal hegemony "zombie socialism," and we argue that it is a key component of contemporary capitalism in Central and Eastern Europe. We illustrate briefly some cases of zombie socialism, using data such as EU 28 statistics on labor, wages, work–life (im)balance, income tax, housing, and housing policies to show the effects of this hegemonic discourse. The presence of zombie socialism for almost three decades in Central and Eastern Europe made some of these countries "more" capitalist than countries with longer capitalist traditions in Europe. We join others who have suggested that there is nothing to transition any longer, as the "transition" is long over.

At the beginning of the 19th century, important challenges needed to be addressed. A gamut of unsolved problems and obstacles caused by human action has caused assessments and prospective analyses to emphasize the role of science. Saraiva relates in his book Contemporary International Relations: From the construction of the liberal world to Globalization – from 1815 onwards: "The chapter of political science that focuses on international phenomena is being redefined. The theories and models adopted have lost consistency at the end of the century" (Saraiva, 1997: 17). When Saraiva wrote the book, in 1997, it was not imagined that the major superpower in the planet – the USA – would suffer the greatest terrorist act of history. September 11 marks world history and raises several questions on the current world order. Is globalization the cause for this tragedy? Is the neo-liberal paradigm inadequate to Latin America and developing nations? Is the decadence of the National State a factor? Or the increase in social inequality and poverty, as well as the lack of recognition of other cultures are the culprits? ; Introduction An Analysis of the Neoliberal Paradigm An Alternative Paradigm Conclusions References

Via the evocation of two personal narratives of lived experiences of/with youth in South Africa, the paper addresses issues relating to youth, unemployment, education and structural injustice. These narrative vignettes reflect events of injustice that occur within the human sphere and fall within the interstices between competing discourses as sites of struggle for meaning and supremacy. It is here where the lived effects of unjust political structures can be witnessed as violent assaults on individual and collective bodies, psyches and souls, while the indomitability of the human spirit rallies to rise above such adversity. Both experiences, while specific, nevertheless articulate a difficult 'glocalising' relationship with 'the general' and 'universal' in the global interconnectedness of injustice and the effects of a dehumanising ideology. They are underscored by a historical legacy of apartheid and authoritarianism, but advanced through a newer discourse of neoliberal, globalising modernism. Both ideologies converge in untroubled alignment through similarly operational codes of control and the endemic forms and frames of (in)difference. The paper argues that racialised unemployed youth in South Africa carry the burden of structural political dysfunctionality and state ineptitude, and they are pathologised and differentially constructed as 'failed' citizens as a consequence. Not only are South African youth expected to carry the burden of unemployment, but also the flag of the nation's political transformation as well, in a context of contradiction and maladministration overlaid by the debilitating effects of neoliberal governmentality. Youth identity is framed in nationalist economic terms, justified and advanced through the contemporary, global, modernist condition, supported by neoliberal capitalist relations. The historical, embodied and material injustices shape what is possible for youth, specifically unemployed youth, in South Africa today.

Via the evocation of two personal narratives of lived experiences of/with youth in South Africa, the paper addresses issues relating to youth, unemployment, education and structural injustice. These narrative vignettes reflect events of injustice that occur within the human sphere and fall within the interstices between competing discourses as sites of struggle for meaning and supremacy. It is here where the lived effects of unjust political structures can be witnessed as violent assaults on individual and collective bodies, psyches and souls, while the indomitability of the human spirit rallies to rise above such adversity. Both experiences, while specific, nevertheless articulate a difficult 'glocalising' relationship with 'the general' and 'universal' in the global interconnectedness of injustice and the effects of a dehumanising ideology. They are underscored by a historical legacy of apartheid and authoritarianism, but advanced through a newer discourse of neoliberal, globalising modernism. Both ideologies converge in untroubled alignment through similarly operational codes of control and the endemic forms and frames of (in)difference. The paper argues that racialised unemployed youth in South Africa carry the burden of structural political dysfunctionality and state ineptitude, and they are pathologised and differentially constructed as 'failed' citizens as a consequence. Not only are South African youth expected to carry the burden of unemployment, but also the flag of the nation's political transformation as well, in a context of contradiction and maladministration overlaid by the debilitating effects of neoliberal governmentality. Youth identity is framed in nationalist economic terms, justified and advanced through the contemporary, global, modernist condition, supported by neoliberal capitalist relations. The historical, embodied and material injustices shape what is possible for youth, specifically unemployed youth, in South Africa today.