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Anyone advocating neoliberal policies is now persona non grata in Washington, D.C.

This interview with James Ferguson traces his thinking from his groundbreaking The Antipolitics Machine to his newest work on neoliberalism. Ferguson explains how the process of development is above all about building justifications for why more money is needed to fund the next project, thus less about increasing state control or oversight over society than simply about creating more state. Conversely, rather than using the term "neoliberalism" as a political cudgel to condemn structural adjustment policies, Ferguson presses critics to linger over what is actually taking place under post-neoliberal forms of governance.

When Hugo Chávez was president, he pronounced the death of many things—the constitution, the old "partyarchy," Venezuela's "Fourth Republic," and the Free Trade Area of the Americas, among others. Since his own death in 2013, scholars, activists, and citizens have contributed to a rich discussion of his legacy. Part of that legacy is an understanding of post-neoliberalism that recognizes its competing and contradictory components, some of them seeking to complement, improve, and reverse neoliberal policies or overcome neoliberal logics and others constituting important remnants of neoliberalism.Durante su presidencia, Hugo Chávez declaró la muerte de muchas cosas: la constitución, el viejo "partidocracia," la Cuarta República de Venezuela y el Tratado de Libre Comercio de las Américas, entre otros. Desde su muerte en 2013, un grupo variado de estudiosos, activistas y ciudadanos ha llevado a cabo una rica discusión sobre su legado. Una parte importante de su legado es el entender que el post-neoliberalismo tiene componentes contrapuestos y contradictorios, y reconocer que algunos de ellos buscan complementar, mejorar y revertir las políticas neoliberales o superar la lógica neoliberal y otros importantes vestigios constituyentes del neoliberalismo.

Along with other progressive experiments in the region, the government of the Citizens' Revolution has restored the state to a central position with regard to social coordination and the promotion of economic development. The open conflict created by the return of the state between 2007 and 2012 transformed power relationships, allowing civil government to expand the state's relative autonomy and orient it toward constructing a public policy agenda associated with transcending neoliberalism. The challenge of this transition has been to modify the pattern of commodity specialization away from the primacy of primary exports. While reappropriating the surplus that comes from the income from strategic resources increases national sovereignty, it may also contribute to preserving the nation's position in the international division of labor. The National Plan for Living Well aims at overcoming the centrality of the primary sector and of oil exports in the national economy. En convergencia con otros gobiernos progresistas de la region, el gobierno del la Revolución Ciudadana relanza el Estado al primer plano de la coordinación social y la promoción del desarrollo. El conflictivo proceso político abierto en relación a dicho retorno estatal entre 2007 y 2012 trastrocó de los factores de poder y permitió al gobierno civil ampliar la autonomía relativa del Estado y orientarlo hacia la construcción de una agenda de políticas públicas asociada con la superación del neoliberalismo. El desafio de dicha transición reside en la posibilidad de modificar el patrón de especialización productiva más allá de la centralidad de las exportaciones primarias. Aunque la estrategia estatal de reapropriación del excedente que proviene de las rentas de recursos estratégicos eleva los márgenes de soberanía nacional respecto a la determinación global, también puede contribuir a la continuidad del lugar del país en la vigente división internacional del trabajo. El Plan Nacional del Buen Vivir apunta a superar en el mediano plazo la centralidad del sector primario y de las exportaciones petroleras en la economía nacional.

ABSTRACT The idea that states should take on an enhanced role in the pursuit of development is once again becoming increasingly pronounced in the global South. In Latin America, the 'return of the state' is associated with neostructuralism or post‐neoliberalism and the rise of the New Left. Post‐neoliberal projects of governance seek to retain elements of the previous export‐led growth model whilst introducing new mechanisms for social inclusion and welfare. In addition to being a project of growth based on exports and expanded social spending, post‐neoliberalism has a distinctive political character. This article explores the pillars of the new governance project, emphasizing the citizenship claims associated with it, along with some of the tensions that arise from export‐dependent growth, budget limitations, a weak tax base and the difficulties of managing enhanced social expectations. In making their argument, the authors draw on the examples of Bolivia, Ecuador and Argentina.

AbstractHow have governments in Latin America been able to counteract two decades of neoliberalism and pursue post-neoliberal developmental reforms, and what tools have they used to do so? We argue that post-neoliberal projects are possible through the use of three necessary conditions in a context of economic bonanza: (1) extensive use of the legal-constitutional framework to facilitate interventionism; (2) an increase in the centrality of public planning agencies to design those policies; and (3) growth of the bureaucracy to implement the policies. Through a case study of Rafael Correa's Ecuador, we show how a constituent assembly, empowerment of the state planning agency, and an increase in the size of the public administration allowed the president to combat neoliberalism and pursue his ambitiousBuen Vivir(Good Living) plan. This simple framework offers important clues for understanding post-liberalism and the return of the state in Ecuador and beyond.

With the ebbing of the pink tide, the MAS government in Bolivia remains as one of the most successful leftist governments that had been elected throughout Latin America since the late 1990s. In order to better understand this surprising success story, this paper analyses the political economy of the post-neoliberal model that has taken shape under MAS rule. More specifically, it looks at the interaction between the strategic orientation and the specific features of economic policy-making in Bolivia, on the one hand, and the evolving relationship of the MAS government with the country's economic elites, on the other. The paper argues that Bolivia's specific version of post-neoliberalism has facilitated increasingly cooperative relations between the government and economic elites, while the latter have themselves contributed to the consolidation of the former. At the same time, the analysis of the political economy of Bolivian post-neoliberalism also reveals its inherent fragility.

The concept of "post-neoliberalism" so far is associated with progressive Latin American governments that have distanced himself from the monetarist colonization of neoliberalism in its version of the IMF and World Bank. However, these governments carry out extractive policies involving the dispossession of territories with the consequent social criminalization. Consequently, a theoretical and epistemological deconstruction of the concept of "post-neoliberalism" is necessary to understand the violence of accumulation by dispossession. ; El concepto de "posneoliberalismo" hasta el momento está asociado a los gobiernos progresistas latinoamericanos que se han desmarcado de la colonización monetarista del neoliberalismo en su versión del FMI y del Banco Mundial, y que proponen la recuperación del Estado para provocar una redistribución del ingreso en beneficio de obra pública, inclusión social y redistribución del ingreso. Sin embargo, estos gobiernos llevan adelante políticas de extractivismo que implican la desposesión de territorios con la consecuente criminalización social. En consecuencia, es necesario una deconstrucción teórica y epistémica del concepto de "posneoliberalismo" y otorgarle mayor espesor teórico para evitar su utilización ideológica que encubre la violencia de la acumulación por desposesión.

With the ebbing of the pink tide, the MAS government in Bolivia remains as one of the most successful leftist governments that had been elected throughout Latin America since the late 1990s. In order to better understand this surprising success story, this paper analyses the political economy of the post-neoliberal model that has taken shape under MAS rule. More specifically, it looks at the interaction between the strategic orientation and the specific features of economic policy-making in Bolivia, on the one hand, and the evolving relationship of the MAS government with the country's economic elites, on the other. The paper argues that Bolivia's specific version of post-neoliberalism has facilitated increasingly cooperative relations between the government and economic elites, while the latter have themselves contributed to the consolidation of the former. At the same time, the analysis of the political economy of Bolivian post-neoliberalism also reveals its inherent fragility. Resumen: La economía política del postneoliberalismo boliviano: Política, elites y el gobierno MASCon el flujo de la marea rosa, el gobierno del MAS en Bolivia sigue siendo uno de los gobiernos izquierdistas elegidos más exitosos de toda América Latina desde finales de los años noventa. Para comprender mejor esta sorprendente historia de éxito, este artículo analiza la economía política del modelo post-neoliberal que ha tomado forma bajo el gobierno del MAS. Más específicamente, analiza la interacción entre la orientación estratégica y las características específicas de la formulación de políticas económicas en Bolivia, por un lado, y la relación en evolución del gobierno del MAS con las élites económicas del país, por otro. Se argumenta que la versión específica del post-neoliberalismo de Bolivia ha facilitado relaciones cada vez más cooperativas entre el gobierno y las élites económicas, quienes han contribuido a la consolidación de las primeras. Al mismo tiempo, el análisis de la economía política del posneoliberalismo boliviano también revela su fragilidad inherente.

The rejection of neoliberalism in Latin America at the time of the new millennium led to a wave of 'post-neoliberal' governments that sought to renegotiate the relationship between state and market and pioneer new forms of inclusive welfare. These governments attempted to implement a new economic model that bore some similarities to social democracy, alongside greater emphasis on recognition and identity politics. As this period gradually closes, we ask what accounts for the difficulties of institutionalising redistributive Leftist governance in Latin America. In so doing, we draw attention to the embeddedness of the idea of neoliberal governance, globally and regionally. Whilst the weaknesses of the Latin American Left are real, the return of neoliberalism reflects the fact it is still status quo governance everywhere.

AbstractBoth mainstream and progressive commentators heralded President Obama's economic stimulus program as sounding the death knell of the global neoliberal accumulation regime and inaugurating a form of Neo-Keynesianism. Although some funds have been earmarked for urban infrastructure projects, elite actors have used the shock of the crisis as a pretext to delimit and dismantle the public sector. In this article, we examine the case of Chicago's public transportation in order to evaluate these countervailing forces. On one hand, federal stimulus money has been used to rehabilitate deteriorating public transit infrastructure. On the other hand, the response of local elites to budget shortfalls caused by the current economic crisis has involved support for a combination of service cuts and intensified attacks on unions to "share the burden". Our study of neoliberalism in Chicago's public transit sector illustrates how local elites strategically wield the state as an instrument for accumulation, whether by retrenching the role of the state or mobilizing for a more activist role of the state in seeding accumulation.