Suchergebnisse

There is a global expectation about the peace process between the National Government and the FARC-EP and ELN guerrillas in Colombia, and also about the adoption of the possible agreements. However, as argued in this article, the fact that the emergence of a phase of 'post-conflict' and/or 'post-agreements' is mentioned from the theoretical and conceptual point of view does not mean that the internal conflicts vanish, but instead, they are transformed or can even give rise to new conflicts. A contribution in this sense is to conclude that the armed development is only a manifestation or expression of the conflict that turns out to be much more complex, due to its multiple aspects and factors that produce it. This trend is clear with respect to environmental matters: since the announced 'post-conflict phase in Colombia' in the last years the environmental conflicts have intensified or have led to situations that enable the emergence of new conflicts. For this reason, the challenge of environmental conflicts is to propose a series of reflections for the discussion and construction of broad and lasting peace scenarios. In this sense, peace is not the absence of conflicts, but a situation in which they can be solved without resorting to violence and guaranteeing environmental rights. The proposal is finding a concerted and participatory solution among the different social sectors that acknowledges and establishes the aspects for overcoming environmental injustices, insisting that the latter constitute a condition that generates conflict due to the distribution of the environmental goods and burdens, which are manifested in inequalities and inequities between human beings and human beings and nature. Therefore, it will be essential to focus the efforts so that environmental rights are respected by guaranteeing no detriments, pollution or impacts, and assuring the emergence of affirmative actions, demands and struggles that allow the realization of a redistributive justice, the resolution of inequality and poverty, and the respect and limits for the conservation and sustainability of environmental and natural goods. ; A nivel mundial se ha generado expectativa sobre el proceso de paz que se ha venido adelantando con las guerrillas de las FARC-EP y el ELN en Colombia, así como sobre la adopción de los eventuales acuerdos que han sido pactados con el Gobierno Nacional. Sin embargo, como se argumenta en este artículo, el hecho de que se aluda desde el punto de vista teórico y conceptual a la aparición de una fase de 'post-conflicto' y/o 'post-acuerdos' no quiere decir que desaparezcan los conflictos internos, sino que, en lugar de ello, estos se transforman o incluso pueden dar lugar a nuevos conflictos. Un aporte en este sentido es concluir que el desarrollo armado es solo una manifestación o expresión del conflicto que resulta ser mucho más complejo, por sus múltiples aspectos y por los factores que lo originan. En materia ambiental se identifica esta tendencia, pues en los últimos años a partir de la anunciada 'fase de postconflicto en Colombia', los conflictos ambientales se han venido intensificando o se han creado situaciones que dan lugar a la aparición de nuevos conflictos. Por esta razón, el reto de los conflictos ambientales consiste en plantear una serie de reflexiones para la discusión y construcción de escenarios de paz amplios y duraderos. En este sentido, la paz no es ausencia de conflictos, sino una situación en la cual es posible resolverlos sin acudir a la violencia, pero garantizando los derechos ambientales. Se propone encontrar una salida concertada y participativa entre los diferentes sectores sociales, que reconozca y establezca los aspectos para la superación de las injusticias ambientales, insistiendo en que estas últimas se constituyen en una condición generadora de conflictos por la distribución de los bienes y cargas ambientales, que se manifiesta en las desigualdades e inequidades entre seres humanos y seres humanos y naturaleza. Por lo tanto, será indispensable enfocar los esfuerzos para que se respeten los derechos ambientales en ese reconocimiento de garantías para la no afectación, contaminación y generación de impactos, pero también en acciones afirmativas, reivindicaciones y luchas que permitan la concreción de una justicia redistributiva, la resolución de los problemas de desigualdad y pobreza, y el respeto y límites para la conservación y sostenibilidad de los bienes ambientales y naturales.

This article describes the evolution of the concept of security, ranging from the classic definition of defense to the meaning of human security and the development of the armed conflict in Colombia. It considers different perspectives on the violence and the sectors of the society that have experienced this scourge. In addition, it intends to analyze whether the recent peace process of the Government with the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) acknowledges human security in all its approaches or it is only a process of arms delivery and dissolution of illegal armed groups. ; Este artículo describe la evolución del concepto de Seguridad, desde la definición clásica de defensa hasta acepción de la Seguridad Humana y el desarrollo del conflicto armado en Colombia teniendo en cuenta diferentes perspectivas de análisis sobre la violencia y los sectores de la sociedad que han convivido con este flagelo. Además, pretende analizar si en el reciente proceso de paz del Gobierno con las FARC se puede hablar de Seguridad Humana en sus planteamientos o si solamente se trata de un proceso de entrega de armas y disolución de grupos armados ilegales. ; Este artigo descreve a evolução do conceito de segurança, a partir da definição clássica de defesa até o acepção de segurança humana e de desenvolvimento do conflito armado na Colômbia levando em conta as diferentes perspectivas de análise sobre a violência e os setores da sociedade que viveram com esse flagelo. Além disso, pretende analisar se, no recente processo de paz do governo com as Forças Armadas Revolucionárias da Colômbia (Farc), pode-se falar sobre segurança humana em sua abordagem ou se é apenas um processo de entrega de armas e desmobilização de grupos armados ilegais.

Critiques of liberal, top-down approaches to peacebuilding have motivated a discussion of alternative, locally-led, and community-based approaches to achieving and maintaining sustainable peace. This article uses a case study of women's savings and credit cooperatives in post-violence Nepal to examine the ways in which grassroots-based, locally-led peace initiatives can counter top-down approaches. The article presents ethnographic evidence from fieldwork in Nepal on how cooperatives expand through their everyday activities the definition of peace to include not only the absence of violence (negative peace) but transformatory goals such as social justice (positive peace). By focusing on ongoing root causes of structural violence, cooperatives problematize the postconflict period where pre-war normalcy is presumed to have returned. They emphasize local agency and ownership over formal peace processes. The findings suggest ongoing struggles that cooperatives face due to their existence within larger, liberal paradigms of international postconflict aid and reconstruction assistance. Their uneasy relationship with liberal economic structures limit their scale and scope of effectiveness even as they provide local alternatives for peacebuilding.

A review essay on books edited by (1) Taisier M. Ali & Robert O. Matthews, Durable Peace. Challenges for Peacebuilding in Africa (Toronto, Ontario: U Toronto Press, 2004); (2) Gerd Junne & Willemijn Verkoren, Postconflict Development. Meeting New Challenges (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 2004); & (3) Tom Keating & W. Andy Knight, Building Sustainable Peace (United Nations U Press, 2004). Adapted from the source document.

"Post-Conflict Processes and Religion: An Overview" published on by Oxford University Press.

This study aspires to harness the impulses of the critique of international peace initiatives (IPIs) up to this point for the purposes of improving the practical inquiries into them. In the study, attention is given namely to the questions of the initial normative and epistemological premises of the research. The study argues, in agreement with the precepts of critical political theory, that the inquiry into IPIs should first of all strive to emancipate people in postconflict situations. With respect to the IPIs' general aim of transforming the target countries into stable, independent and prosperous states and societies, the focus is directed at the influence the IPIs exert upon social structures in the postconflict societies. With the aim to conceptualize a basic framework for the research, the contemporary thinking on the IPIs is interpreted with respect to International Relations theories and the fundamental metatheoretical questions of social theories. Consequently, in keeping with the philosophy of scientific realism, a critical constructivist position is formulated for the given purposes. Adapted from the source document.

El acuerdo del cese bilateral del fuego con las FARC, y la inminencia de la firma de un acuerdo final, constituyen una oportunidad irrepetible para que Colombia asuma cambios definitivos en el funcionamiento de su democracia. El surgimiento de las guerrillas hace un poco más de 50 años obedeció a múltiples causas sociales, económicas y políticas, que en buena parte subsisten en el campo colombiano. ; The agreement of bilateral ceasefire with the FARC, and the imminent signing of a final agreement, constitute a unique for Colombia assume definite changes in the functioning of its democracy chance. The emergence of the guerrillas a little over 50 years ago due to multiple social, economic and political causes, which largely remain in the Colombian countryside.

A means by which to end the continuing series of conflicts in the Balkans is explored. The current conflict (1991-1999) is the fourth of the 20th century, after the 1912 Balkan wars, WWI, & WWII. In all cases, the political leaders in the region purported to wage a war of "national liberation" from foreign occupation or aggression, seeking external supporters. As a result of the national liberation label during conflict, neighboring national groups have continued to be the enemy. An alternative approach to the postconflict context would reject the national liberation label & the victim/aggressor & friend/enemy dichotomies. A reconciliation approach would instead acknowledge the right to political choice for national groups per their separate referenda & redress wrongs suffered by wartime victims & those denied political rights. Reconciliation of this type has never yet been attempted in the Balkans, so the case of reconciliation between the US & Native Hawaiians is used in illustration. 8 References. M. Pflum

Este artículo tiene como propósito presentar algunas reflexiones sobre los aspectos que se pueden tener en cuenta para la implementación de la Cátedra de la Paz, a partir de las voces y experiencias de notables educadores e investigadores, cuya experiencia se ha desarrollado en torno a este campo temático en Colombia durante los últimos años. Para tal efecto, se abordan los fines de la educación para la paz; los ejes temáticos de la cátedra de la paz- ético moral, jurídico político, socio-cultural, psicosocial y pedagógico; y, finalmente algunas recomendaciones de cómo los docentes deben trabajarla en las instituciones educativas en los niveles de básica y media. . Abstract: This article aims to present some reflections on the aspects that can be taken into account for the implementation of the Chair of Peace, based on the voices and experiences of outstanding educators and researchers, whose experience has been developed around this field Thematic in Colombia during the last years. To this end, the aims of education for peace are addressed; the thematic axes of the chair of peace - ethical moral, political juridical, socio-cultural, psychosocial and pedagogical; and finally some recommendations on how teachers should work in educational institutions at the basic and middle levels.

The first point of the Peace Agreement, between the Colombian Government and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), establishes the need for a new model that revitalizes agricultural production and that benefits the small farmer, committing the Government in the configuration of a model of integral rural development that addresses the problems of the countryside; However, both, the government of Juan Manuel Santos and the current president, Iván Duque, are betting on a neoliberal and extractivist model that seems to go against the Havana Agreement. Based on the documentary qualitative research strategy, this article gives an account of the convergences and divergences that derive from the Land Agreement and the measures promoted by the Government, in order to pave the way towards comprehensive rural reform. In conclusion, Fast Track decrees in rural areas go against territorial peace, because they do not take the autonomy of the territories into account, and give prevalence to the decisions of the central government. ; El primer punto del Acuerdo de Paz entre el Gobierno colombiano y las Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia (FARC) establece la necesidad de un nuevo modelo que revitalice la producción agrícola y que beneficie al pequeño campesino, comprometiendo al Gobierno en la configuración de un modelo de desarrollo rural integral que se ocupe de los problemas del campo; sin embargo, tanto el gobierno de Juan Manuel Santos como el del actual presidente, Iván Duque, le apuestan a un modelo neoliberal y extractivista que parece ir en contravía del Acuerdo de La Habana. A partir de la estrategia de investigación cualitativa documental, este artículo da cuenta de las convergencias y divergencias que se derivan del Acuerdo de Tierras y las medidas impulsadas por el Gobierno, con el fin de allanar el camino hacia la reforma rural integral. Como conclusión, se advierte que los decretos del Fast Track en materia rural van en contravía de la paz territorial, por cuanto se desconoce la autonomía de los territorios y se da prevalencia a las decisiones del Gobierno central.

Constructive stories of coexistence during protracted interethnic conflict are rare; however, they have important implications for interethnic reconciliation and peacemaking (Senehi, 2002). The events that took place in the village of Bavljinje highlight the humanity displayed by neighbors in the midst of ethnic cleansing. Such stories illustrate that positive relationships can prevail in interethnic warfare and can be an important source of healing form the trauma of violent ethnic conflict. The story of Bavljinje also indicates the complexity of intergroup conflict and the need of such powerful metaphors in the postconflict peacebuilding process.