Suchergebnisse

This article reviews the origin, characteristics, & development of policies to administer poverty in Mexico, 1970-1994. Specifically, it considers the Investment for Rural Development Program (Pider, 1970-1982), the National Plan for Depressed Areas & Marginal Groups (Coplamar, 1976-1983), & the National Solidarity Program (Pronasol, 1988-1995). Analysis of these programs shows that, in Mexico, focalized policies do not appear with the neoliberal model but once the former, postrevolutionary, model is exhausted. The article also points out that while these policies have not accomplished all of their explicit objectives -- overcome underdevelopment, eliminate marginality or combat poverty in the target groups -- they have generated popular support for the president in turn, & they have also been effective in dealing with politically or socially conflictive or potentially conflictive areas. Rather than solving the problem of poverty, the programs have to do with the government's need of political & social stability. 5 Tables, 2 Appendixes, 10 References. Adapted from the source document.

In the last 4 years of economic recession, the social fabric of Uruguay has suffered & social & economic vulnerability have increased. Economic recovery will not necessarily mean an improvement in social equality & justice. An analysis of poverty in Uruguay shows that economic activity began to soften in the 1980s, due to deep-seated structural problems. The precarious labor market, unemployment, & increasing isolation of social classes meant that the poorer schools & barrios became even poorer. The roles of the state, unions, & business in improving the social & economic situation are discussed; business sectors need to take on a more consistent attitude & initiative. Being anti-political today is tempting, although dangerous. Adapted from the source document.

"Proceedings of a conference of better-known scholars in the social areas. While informative and indicative of the state of thinking on poverty in Venezuelan academic circles, only a few of the chapters present new analysis. Much of the empirical reference is not referenced, limiting its usefulness. One exception is Sabino's table tracking poverty estimates from a variety of sources between 1970-95"--Handbook of Latin American Studies, v. 57

This paper explores the duty of charity as a new interpretation key for the lockean theory of property. First, I explicit its demands, deontic status, and theological and philosophical foundations. This analysis is complemented by a consideration of a brief essay of 1697, in which Locke proposed a reform of the elizabethan English Poor Law. As a result of this examination I conclude that even though the duty of charity does not compromise any property rights, it presupposes a minimal core of redistributive justice. Adapted from the source document.

The article examines the occupational stratification process of youths from rural households who have been beneficiaries of the Oportunidades program for up to ten years. With Oportunidades the Mexican government has tried to reduce intergenerational transmission of poverty through the promotion of human capital as a means of improving labor market insertion of the descendants of families living in extreme poverty. Based on statistical data and path analysis models, the relationship among assigned and meritocratic factors in the process of occupational achievement is analyzed. The study concludes that education is the most influential factor in the work market status of these youths, but that factors related with their social background on the whole have a similarly significant effect. Furthermore, differences by sex and migratory condition are found to highlight the weight of contextual characteristics and those of labor markets. The study's findings support that education is a key element for the promotion of intergenerational mobility of this sector, a stress should be thus given to educational policies that guarantee access to quality education at all levels for population living in poverty. Nevertheless, this alone would be insufficient. Policy activities are also required in other fields in order to reduce the link between social origin and social destiny of Mexicans. Adapted from the source document.

The author presents a documented analysis of schooling, employment, & income distribution in Latin America & the Caribbean, which leads him to maintain that these elements constitute a vicious cycle. Middle & higher education are needed to increase the possibility of obtaining employment that yields an income high enough to overcome poverty. However, poor families have limited access to higher education &, consequently, better-paying jobs. It is concluded that formal education will not be able to satisfy the role that society has assigned it in relation to combating poverty, promoting regional development, & redistributing national income in a more equal way unless serious efforts are made toward equal distribution of opportunities to receive middle & higher education, & toward economic growth that will ensure a demand for skilled labor. 28 Graphs. Adapted from the source document.

Can any State become democratic? Can the whole world become democratic? This article argues that the answers to both questions are yes, & that neither culture nor history nor poverty are insurmountable obstacles. Indeed, for much of the world that remains trapped in poverty, a growing body of evidence & policy analysis suggests that democratic, accountable, transparent governance is a fundamental condition for sustainable development. There are no preconditions for democracy, other than a willingness on the part of a nation's elite to attempt to govern by democratic means. But that, in itself, will require strong pressure from below, in civil society, & from outside, in the international community, to generate the political will for democratic reform. And sustaining democracy in the context of unfavorable cultural, social, & economic conditions requires institutions to foster effective, accountable governance as well as robust international engagement & support. Democracy can emerge anywhere, but it can only take root if it brings about, however gradually, a more prosperous, just, & decent society. Tables. Adapted from the source document.

The purpose of this piece is to explore how we might go about understanding the political conditions for poverty alleviation via agrarian reform. It argues that the traditional conceptualizations of agrarian reform & its politics are too limiting. The traditional economic focus on the intersection of landed rights, agriculture, & poverty needs to be broadened to incorporate technological change enabled by the biological revolution & the importance of ecological systems that support both agriculture & survival strategies of the poor. The traditional political focus on agrarian classes needs to incorporate new social forces interested in the correlates of agrarian inequality & the social correlates of land-based inequality -- "new social movements" & their domestic & international allies. A policy agenda for pro-poor reform must retain elements of the venerable core of the agrarian project & yet recognize the potential of larger coalitions for the poor. These elements include environmental integrity & regeneration, women's rights, human rights, cultural survival, & democratization. This analysis is not meant to replace class with postmodernist identity politics, but rather, to emphasize the reality of new coalitional possibilities. 135 References. Adapted from the source document.