Suchergebnisse

We are challenged to develop a public health approach that responds to the globalized world. The present global health crisis is not primarily one of disease, but of governance: its key characteristic is a weakening of public policy and interstate mechanisms as a consequence of global restructuring. The response needs to focus on the political determinants of health, in particular on mechanisms that help ensure the global public goods that are required for a more equitable and secure development. A first step in this direction would be to take up the proposal from the recent 6(th) Global Conference on Health Promotion to explore the possibility of a new type of global health treaty which would help to establish the new parameters of global health governance. National public health associations should take the lead to establish health as a global public good and organize "National Global Health Summits" to discuss the possible mechanisms for the necessary political process. This means putting global health governance issues onto the agenda of other sectors such as foreign policy, as health is critical not only for poverty reduction but for human security as a whole.

By the mid 1990s, scholars, practitioners, and policy makers alike
had begun to recognize the critical importance of good governance
for growth and poverty reduction. Yet corruption, its mirror image,
remained "taboo" at the World Bank up until the historic "cancer of
corruption" speech in 1996 of then-Bank President James Wolfensohn
that formally brought governance and anticorruption into the
forefront of the Bank's agenda (see Figure 1). In 1997, the World
Development Report: The State in a Changing World broke new ground
within the Bank, taking stock of the erstwhile work on governance
and addressing what the institution could do to enhance its ability
to help client countries improve governance and reduce
corruption. The presentation was
made at the APSA 2005 meeting, "Panel on Politics and
Development Programs: APSA and World Bank Collaboration." Panel
participants included: Margaret Levi (APSA President 2004–2005),
Ashutosh Varshney, Anna Grzymala-Busse (University of Michigan
at Ann Arbor), Daniel N. Posner (University of California Los
Angeles), and Timothy Frye (Ohio State University) from APSA;
and Sanjay Pradhan, Edgardo Campos, Richard Messick, and Maks
Kobonbaev from the World Bank Public Sector Governance
Unit.

Many developing countries are attempting to use their natural resource endowments – notably oil, natural gas, and minerals such as gold – as the basis for economic growth and development. Recent history, however, indicates that countries that depend heavily on resource extraction do more poorly on a variety of economic indicators, including growth rates, education levels, and income inequality. This is due in significant part to the way in which wealth derived from resource extraction is concentrated in the hands of a small elite, which often misuses these revenues through corruption, poorly planned investments, and other means. This contrasts with other kinds of economic activity, such as agriculture, in which benefits are distributed more widely. Thus, a key to increasing the development and poverty reduction benefit value of resource extraction is breaking elite control of these revenues and increasing public involvement in decision-making related to their use. Doing so would enhance the likelihood that these funds would be employed with greater concern for the needs of the populace. The experiences of Ecuador, Peru, and Bolivia highlight the importance of increasing distributive justice and public participation in resource revenue distribution and provide insights into how this could be implemented in resource-dependent economies.

There have been various attempts to derive a single index of countries' macroeconomic vulnerability to exogenous shocks. It is now generally accepted that small developing states on average are particularly vulnerable, as evidenced by their historical volatility of aggregate output. Openness to trade is a key source of this volatility, but it has also contributed to these states' comparatively strong average economic growth. Exposure to natural disasters and external financial flows are other significant potential sources of macroeconomic vulnerability. There are a number of difficulties associated with drawing these variables into a single index, and there seems to be limited scope for employing such an overall index beyond proving that small developing states are generally more vulnerable. Instead, the focus should be on individual characteristics that define a country's vulnerability to particular types of shock. Such an approach will provide information for policy makers and may indicate where small developing states-or regional and international bodies that represent them-could beneficially engage in the international agenda. This may be in initiatives aimed at reducing shockspredominantly focused on the poverty reduction agenda-or reducing global processes that threaten to exacerbate the already high levels of vulnerability. ; peer-reviewed

AbstractAlthough decentralisation has been on the Government of Zimbabwe's agenda since the early 1980s and there have been several structural reforms, little effective power has been decentralised. This article describes Zimbabwe's various decentralisation efforts and effects including fiscal decentralisation, sectoral decentralisation, local political and institutional structures and local economic development and poverty reduction, and analyses their impact in Binga District, which is one of the poorest parts of the country. A number of conclusions are drawn from this experience. Firstly, decentralisation is part of a wider process of national political and economic change and cannot be planned independently; moreover, decentralisation for the 'wrong' reasons can be worse than no decentralisation at all and, if the political environment is not 'right', the problems of decentralisation can be exacerbated by external funding agencies. Secondly, decentralisation must be accompanied by capacity building, and the capacity of local institutions depends to a significant extent on the individuals involved. Thirdly, decentralisation must be seen as a 'learning process'; consequently, despite the relatively little effective decentralisation to date, those involved have learnt valuable lessons. Copyright © 2003 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

AbstractA paradigm linking public sector decentralisation reforms to poverty reduction via improved local governance and development has provided the rationale for donor support of decentralisation and parallel efforts to build local government capacity. This article briefly considers the paradigm and reviews modalities of external aid to decentralisation, highlighting key limitations and contradictions. In spite of much rhetoric, decentralisation remains marginalised in a donor‐government policy dialogue dominated by macro‐economic and sectoral issues. Compartmentalisation within major aid organisations of the expertise and responsibilities to support administrative reforms, sectoral assistance programmes and community development projects, produces fragmented and competing interventions that do not address and even retard the systemic changes needed to advance decentralisation. New and more effective partnership arrangements between decentralising governments and their external partners are necessary to link 'downstream' assistance to local governments to 'upstream' development of the national decentralisation reform framework and to help manage a gradual and strategic approach to implementation of the reforms. Donor support to 'decentralisation policy experiments' may provide a new model for policy dialogue and the basis for building more effective partnerships. Copyright © 2003 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

Building on the pioneering work of Barro (1991) and Mauro (1995) to include the most recent years for which data are available (for Bangladesh in the 1990s), the authors investigate the relationships between corruption, and growth, and, between corruption and investment, both domestic and foreign, to see whether they have changed from earlier decades. Then they move away from Mauro's implicit assumption that the corruption index value for a relatively short period of time, can be used as a proxy for the long run, and further augment Mauro's model by including significant regional dummy variables, in an attempt to take account of various region-specific effects. The authors also analyze the sensitivity of corruption in the presence, and absence of various policy, geographic, and demographic variables that are widely used in empirical growth, and investment literature. The findings suggest that countries serious about improving governance, and reducing corruption, should redefine the role of government, overhaul the system of incentives, and strengthen domestic institutions, to make sure the necessary checks, and balances are in place. Such an approach to reform would help attract more investment - both domestic and foreign - and would accelerate economic growth, and poverty reduction.

This study examines progress in rural and microfinance in Cambodia, the Lao People's Democratic Republic, and Viet Nam over the past decade, in comparison with industry standards set by international best practices. The study focuses on the policy environment, including regulatory norms and their implementation, as well as support provided to financial infrastructure, and the impact of this environment on the development and performance of institutions providing rural and microfinance services. This examination helps guide government and international development agencies as to which types of interventions can be most supportive of efficient and sustainable institutions that provide financial products and services to the poor, especially those in rural areas.

This study examines progress in rural and microfinance in Cambodia, the Lao People's Democratic Republic, and Viet Nam over the past decade, in comparison with industry standards set by international best practices. The study focuses on the policy environment, including regulatory norms and their implementation, as well as support provided to financial infrastructure, and the impact of this environment on the development and performance of institutions providing rural and microfinance services. This examination helps guide government and international development agencies as to which types of interventions can be most supportive of efficient and sustainable institutions that provide financial products and services to the poor, especially those in rural areas.

Asian Development Fund (ADF) has played an instrumental role in helping countries meet their development challenges. The fact that the Asia and Pacific region is home to about 755 million poor living on less than $1 a day, underscores the need to effectively channel these funds into sustainable activities that will improve the quality of life of the poor in the region. Meeting this challenge throughout the 1990s has been complicated by the shock of transition for the countries of the former Soviet Union and an unprecedented financial crisis in East Asia. To assess the performance of ADF and draw lessons from past experience, donors requested an independent review. This report covers a 9-year period (1992-2000) for ADF VI-VII.

Asian Development Fund (ADF) has played an instrumental role in helping countries meet their development challenges. The fact that the Asia and Pacific region is home to about 755 million poor living on less than $1 a day, underscores the need to effectively channel these funds into sustainable activities that will improve the quality of life of the poor in the region. Meeting this challenge throughout the 1990s has been complicated by the shock of transition for the countries of the former Soviet Union and an unprecedented financial crisis in East Asia. To assess the performance of ADF and draw lessons from past experience, donors requested an independent review. This report covers a 9-year period (1992-2000) for ADF VI-VII.

International audience ; Develop tourism as a tool in the fight against poverty requires first to agree on the meaning of the word poverty and to clarify the political intentions of the project. Reflection on the reduction of poverty through the tourism can be synthesized in three steps: first, the beneficial effects of runoff from tourist revenues in host societies, then the collateral damage resulting from tourism and, finally, to define the conditions necessary to integrate positively tourism project in the host territories.In the end, it is indispensable to develop a proactive policy, because the poorest will not benefit from famous income runoff. Taking into account complex and contradictory impact of international tourism (including inflation, revenue leakage, deconstruction accelerated of local societies), it is necessary to include it in a sustained and coherent territorial project by local communities to identify real benefits. ; Concevoir le tourisme comme un outil de lutte contre la pauvreté nécessite en premier lieu de s'entendre sur le sens du mot pauvreté et de clarifier les intentions politiques d'un tel projet. La réflexion sur la réduction de la pauvreté grâce au tourisme peut être synthétisée en trois temps : tout d'abord, les effets bénéfiques du ruissellement des revenus touristiques dans les sociétés d'accueil, ensuite les dommages collatéraux qui résultent du tourisme et, finalement, définir les conditions nécessaires pour intégrer favorablement le projet touristique dans les territoires hôtes. Au final, il apparaît indispensable de développer une politique volontariste, car le fameux ruissellement de revenus ne va pas naturellement profiter aux plus démunis. Compte tenu des impacts complexes et contradictoires du tourisme international (notamment en matière d'inflation, de fuites des revenus, de déstructuration accélérée des sociétés locales), il faut l'inscrire dans un projet d'un territorial cohérent et soutenu par les communautés locales afin de dégager de réels bénéfices.

International audience ; Develop tourism as a tool in the fight against poverty requires first to agree on the meaning of the word poverty and to clarify the political intentions of the project. Reflection on the reduction of poverty through the tourism can be synthesized in three steps: first, the beneficial effects of runoff from tourist revenues in host societies, then the collateral damage resulting from tourism and, finally, to define the conditions necessary to integrate positively tourism project in the host territories.In the end, it is indispensable to develop a proactive policy, because the poorest will not benefit from famous income runoff. Taking into account complex and contradictory impact of international tourism (including inflation, revenue leakage, deconstruction accelerated of local societies), it is necessary to include it in a sustained and coherent territorial project by local communities to identify real benefits. ; Concevoir le tourisme comme un outil de lutte contre la pauvreté nécessite en premier lieu de s'entendre sur le sens du mot pauvreté et de clarifier les intentions politiques d'un tel projet. La réflexion sur la réduction de la pauvreté grâce au tourisme peut être synthétisée en trois temps : tout d'abord, les effets bénéfiques du ruissellement des revenus touristiques dans les sociétés d'accueil, ensuite les dommages collatéraux qui résultent du tourisme et, finalement, définir les conditions nécessaires pour intégrer favorablement le projet touristique dans les territoires hôtes. Au final, il apparaît indispensable de développer une politique volontariste, car le fameux ruissellement de revenus ne va pas naturellement profiter aux plus démunis. Compte tenu des impacts complexes et contradictoires du tourisme international (notamment en matière d'inflation, de fuites des revenus, de déstructuration accélérée des sociétés locales), il faut l'inscrire dans un projet d'un territorial cohérent et soutenu par les communautés locales afin de dégager de réels bénéfices.

International audience ; Develop tourism as a tool in the fight against poverty requires first to agree on the meaning of the word poverty and to clarify the political intentions of the project. Reflection on the reduction of poverty through the tourism can be synthesized in three steps: first, the beneficial effects of runoff from tourist revenues in host societies, then the collateral damage resulting from tourism and, finally, to define the conditions necessary to integrate positively tourism project in the host territories.In the end, it is indispensable to develop a proactive policy, because the poorest will not benefit from famous income runoff. Taking into account complex and contradictory impact of international tourism (including inflation, revenue leakage, deconstruction accelerated of local societies), it is necessary to include it in a sustained and coherent territorial project by local communities to identify real benefits. ; Concevoir le tourisme comme un outil de lutte contre la pauvreté nécessite en premier lieu de s'entendre sur le sens du mot pauvreté et de clarifier les intentions politiques d'un tel projet. La réflexion sur la réduction de la pauvreté grâce au tourisme peut être synthétisée en trois temps : tout d'abord, les effets bénéfiques du ruissellement des revenus touristiques dans les sociétés d'accueil, ensuite les dommages collatéraux qui résultent du tourisme et, finalement, définir les conditions nécessaires pour intégrer favorablement le projet touristique dans les territoires hôtes. Au final, il apparaît indispensable de développer une politique volontariste, car le fameux ruissellement de revenus ne va pas naturellement profiter aux plus démunis. Compte tenu des impacts complexes et contradictoires du tourisme international (notamment en matière d'inflation, de fuites des revenus, de déstructuration accélérée des sociétés locales), il faut l'inscrire dans un projet d'un territorial cohérent et soutenu par les communautés locales afin de dégager de réels bénéfices.

The development opportunities of the Central American region have been conditioned by various events of a natural, social, cultural, and political nature, a region in which its population harbors deficit social indicators in relation to poverty and social inequalities. While it is true that the fight against poverty is formally a priority on government agendas, it is relevant to analyze whether these political initiatives have become public policies and ultimately if they have an impact on the improvement of the living conditions of people in a sustainable way. During the last 15 years, the countries of this region have experienced a reduction in poverty, however, high rates of their populationsremain mired in it, a more timely discussion is broken down from this overview, the role that governments have played in its programmatic agendas, and to what extent the traditional exercise of power constitutes an obstacle to face this problem. So, addressing poverty not as a strictly econometric problem, but as a phenomenon linked to the conception and exercise of political power is what guides the reflexive interest of this essay. ; Las oportunidades de desarrollo de la región centroamericana han sidocondicionadas pordiversos acontecimientos de carácter natural, social, cultural, y político, una región en la que su población alberga indicadores sociales deficitarios en relación a la pobreza1 y desigualdades sociales. Si bien es cierto, que la lucha contra la pobreza constituye formalmente una prioridad en las agendas gubernamentales, es relevante analizar si estas iniciativas políticas han logrado convertirse en políticas públicas y en definitiva si tienen un impacto en la mejora de las condiciones de vida para las personas de forma sostenible. Durante los últimos 15 años los países de esta región han experimentado una reducción de la pobreza , sin embargo, un alto índice de sus población continúa sumida en ella; de este panorama general se desglosa una discusión más puntual, el papel que han desempeñado los gobiernos en sus agendas programáticas, y hasta qué punto el ejercicio tradicional del poder constituye un obstáculo para enfrentar este problema. De modo que, abordar la pobreza no como un problema estrictamente econométrico, sino como fenómeno vinculado a la concepción y ejercicio del poder político es lo que orienta el interés reflexivo de este ensayo.