Suchergebnisse

Este documento é uma tradução do livro publicado em português, "Pobreza e paz nos PALOP", Sextante Editora (2009), ISBN 978-989-676-007-6 ; Summarizing the political and economic evolution of Mozambique since the end of colonialism until the present time and cross-referencing it with narrations of Mozambicans who experienced these distinctive stages of the recent History of their country, this article starts with a reflection on the explanatory factors concerning the absence of historical framing and anthropological approaches in studies of poverty and an interpretation of the theoretical outlooks on which these studies are based. Some of the possible causes for the high rate of poverty registered in this country were examined and given explanation against the existence of direct link between war and poverty. In the end, the post-conflict period and some of features of the pursued policies were analyzed and the author concludes emphasizing the relevance of perceiving poverty in a contextualized manner, inserting it into the set of economic and social relations from which it is , globally and locally, a fundamental part.

A considerable part of the poverty that is measured in a single period is transitory rather than persistent. In most countries, only a portion of people who are currently poor are persistently poor. People who are persistently poor or who cycle into and out of poverty should be the main focus of anti-poverty policies. Understanding the characteristics of the persistently poor, and the circumstances and mechanisms associated with entry into and exit from poverty, can help to inform governments about options to reduce persistent poverty. Differences in poverty persistence across countries can shed additional light on possible sources of poverty persistence.

Using data from the Consumer Expenditure Survey and the March Current Population Survey, we calculate historical poverty estimates based on the new Supplemental Poverty Measure (SPM) from 1967 to 2012. During this period, poverty as officially measured has stagnated. However, the official poverty measure (OPM) does not account for the effect of near-cash transfers on the financial resources available to families, an important omission since such transfers have become an increasingly important part of government anti-poverty policy. Applying the SPM, which does count such transfers, we find that historical trends in poverty have been more favorable than the OPM suggests and that government policies have played an important and growing role in reducing poverty --- a role that is not evident when the OPM is used to assess poverty. We also find that government programs have played a particularly important role in alleviating child poverty and deep poverty, especially during economic downturns.

This article offers a cross-country overview of child poverty, changes in child poverty, and the impact of public policy in North America and Europe. Levels and changes in child poverty rates in 12 Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) countries during the 1990s are documented using data from the Luxembourg Income Study project, and a decomposition analysis is used to uncover the relative role of demographic factors, labor markets, and income transfers from the state in determining the magnitude and direction of the changes. Child poverty rates fell noticeably in only three countries and rose in three others. In no country were demographic factors a force for higher child poverty rates, but these factors were also limited in their ability to cushion children from adverse shocks originating in the labor market or the government sector. Increases in the labor market engagement of mothers consistently lowered child poverty rates, while decreases in the employment rates and earnings of fathers were a force for higher rates. Finally, there is no single road to lower child poverty rates. Reforms to income transfers intended to increase labor supply may or may not end up lowering the child poverty rate.

Poverty measures set a poverty line or threshold and then evaluate resources against that threshold. The official poverty measure is flawed on both counts: it uses thresholds that are outdated and are not adjusted appropriately for the needs of different types of individuals and households; and it uses an incomplete measure of resources which fails to take into account the full range of income and expenses that individuals and households have. Because of these (and other) failings, statistics using the official poverty measure do not provide an accurate picture of poverty or the role of government policies in combating poverty. To address these well-known limitations, the Census Bureau recently implemented a supplemental poverty measure (SPM) which applies an improved set of thresholds and a more comprehensive measure of resources. In this report we apply an alternative poverty measure which differs from the SPM in only one respect. Instead of having a threshold that is re-calculated over time, we use today's threshold and carry it back historically by adjusting it for inflation using the CPI-U-RS. Because this alternative measure is anchored with today's SPM threshold, we refer to as an anchored supplemental poverty measure or anchored SPM for short. In addition to the reasons discussed above, another advantage of an anchored SPM (or any absolute poverty measure, for that matter) is that poverty trends resulting from such a measure can be explained by changes in income and net transfer payments (cash or in kind). Trends in poverty based on a relative measure (e.g. SPM poverty), on the other hand, could be due to over time changes in thresholds. Thus, an anchored SPM arguably provides a cleaner measure of how changes in income and net transfer payments have affected poverty historically

Using data from the Consumer Expenditure Survey and the March Current Population Survey, we provide poverty estimates for 1967 to 2012 based on a historical Supplemental Poverty Measure (SPM). During this period, poverty, as officially measured, has stagnated. However, the official poverty measure (OPM) does not account for the effect of near-cash transfers on the financial resources available to families, an important omission since such transfers have become an increasingly important part of government anti-poverty policy. Applying the historical SPM, which does count such transfers, we find that trends in poverty have been more favorable than the OPM suggests and that government policies have played an important and growing role in reducing poverty—a role that is not evident when the OPM is used to assess poverty. We also find that government programs have played a particularly important role in alleviating child poverty and deep poverty, especially during economic downturns.

A diet is considered balanced when it contains adequate amounts of carbohydrates, proteins, fats, vitamins, minerals, fiber and water. A well balanced diet fulfills an individual's daily metabolic requirements. In order to live a healthy life one must eat a balanced diet at all times, and to eat a balanced diet one should incorporate a variety of foods in one's daily routine. Complications arise when these daily nutritional requirements are not met, and over a prolonged period of time certain diseases arise as a result of absolute deficiency or excess of one or more essential nutrients. Malnutrition is a common condition caused by poorly balanced diet or a diet that is unable to meet an individual's daily nutritional needs. It often manifests in children and in poverty-stricken areas. The major forms of malnutrition are undernutrition, overnutrition, imbalance and specific deficiency. According to WHO guidelines, a balanced diet must contain sixty percent of carbohydrates, twenty percent of proteins, ten percent of fats and remaining percentage of vitamins and minerals. The sources from which one can obtain certain nutrients solely depend on one's socioeconomic background status. Poverty is the main reason behind malnutrition in Pakistan, especially in the rural areas of Sindh and Punjab. The factors that lead towards malnutrition are closely intertwined with geopolitical, social and economical conditions of an individual. According to National Nutrition Survey Pakistan, thirty-one percent of children are underweight, forty-three percent have stunted growth, fifteen percent show wasting, fifty percent are anemic and almost all of them live in poverty. Complications like stunted growth, mental retardation and poor health in children are common. The data also shows that the young children are most vulnerable to malnutrition and majority of children under the age of five are severely affected. Chronic diseases like kwashiorkor, marasmus, anemia and several vitamin deficiencies develop at an early stage of life. Inadequate food intake, poor food habits and scarcity of food leads towards such dire conditions of children in rural areas of Pakistan. Socioeconomic status of these children hinders their growth as their families are unable to provide them with proper nutrition. Their bodies require proper nutrition and diet to grow. Disproportionate diet and deficiency of certain nutrients result in a variety of complications and diseases. Deficiency of vitamin A can cause eye problems, similarly deficiency of vitamin B complex can result in impaired mental health development, weakness and anemia. Vitamin C deficiency causes scurvy and vitamin D deficient diet can cause rickets in children. Several minerals like calcium, iron, sodium, iodine and magnesium are also vital for one's life. Deficiencies of such vital minerals can result in tetany, goiter and several other problems as well. Poor socioeconomic background and ever increasing inflation rate of the country makes it impossible for an impoverished family to fulfill it's basic nutritional requirement. More than sixty percent of rural population live below poverty line in Pakistan. They are unable to afford and buy meat or fruits on regular basis. Their staple diet consists mainly of carbohydrates and some fats. Meat, fruits and some Vegetables are too expensive for an individual to buy and almost out of their reach. From the very beginning a child is deprived of essential micronutrients and macronutrients unintentionally. Poor maternal health also contributes towards the problem. Mothers who are malnourished at the time of their child's birth, can experience several complications. It can result in abortion, premature birth, low birth weight of the baby or the baby could face problems such as mental retardation and developmental difficulties. Malnourished mothers are also unable to breastfeed their children without risking their own nutritional status. Lack of knowledge and lack of resources also contribute towards such pathological conditions. Half of the problem would be solved if one knew the importance of nutrition in one's daily life. A proper diet should include all the essential nutrients. If meat or fruits are out of reach, one can resort to less expensive but fulfilling alternates. Protein's main sources are meat, poultry and dairy products. Nonetheless, proteins can also be obtained from legumes, grains and several green vegetables, which are less expensive and easily available. Health education and information can be provided to people that will allow them to make healthy choices. Government should also play it's part and help them reach their goal, and eradicate malnutrition from the country.

This article adopts an analysis that explicitly politicises poverty and relates it to the concrete history of racialised capitalism and structural inequality that defined colonialism and apartheid and continues to persist and intensify in "post"-apartheid South Africa. Rather than formulating racialised poverty in legalist, economist or managerial terms, it should rather be understood as a form of oppression that comprises exploitation, marginalisation, powerlessness, cultural imperialism and violence. Such a formulation would make social structure, historical injustice and power central and would also allow for poverty to be grasped beyond a purely distributive logic by bringing to light the non-distributive, non-economic dimensions of poverty. Comprehending poverty in this way, as not only a question of economic distribution and empowerment, but also one of ethical, moral and even ontological recognition necessitates an enquiry into the emancipatory force of rights. Given their centrality in political and social discourse and in legal scholarship on poverty, it is worth considering whether and to what extent rights can be utilised in the struggle against (racialised) poverty.

International audience ; It is useful to suggest that the history of measuring poverty between 1942 and 1990 follows three phases. For twenty years after Beveridge there was no point in measuring poverty since it had been taken care of by the thriving welfare state. The next phase, during which poverty was "rediscovered" in the midst of plenty, witnessed genuine attempts to assess and quantify relative deprivation. Poverty was considered in terms of a new set of dynamics. The last phase, during the Thatcher years, is for some critics the most shameful: there was ample proof that poverty was widespread and that the most vulnerable categories were being marginalized even further by the government's pursuit of market orientated policies. Whether the Thatcher Governments were right or wrong is a subject of political debate. One thing is certain however: social policies during the 1980s tended to expose and exacerbate the ugliest possible aspects of very basic "want". In this way public opinion was made uncompromisingly aware of the nature and incidence of poverty, the indubitable signs of an unequal nation.

International audience ; It is useful to suggest that the history of measuring poverty between 1942 and 1990 follows three phases. For twenty years after Beveridge there was no point in measuring poverty since it had been taken care of by the thriving welfare state. The next phase, during which poverty was "rediscovered" in the midst of plenty, witnessed genuine attempts to assess and quantify relative deprivation. Poverty was considered in terms of a new set of dynamics. The last phase, during the Thatcher years, is for some critics the most shameful: there was ample proof that poverty was widespread and that the most vulnerable categories were being marginalized even further by the government's pursuit of market orientated policies. Whether the Thatcher Governments were right or wrong is a subject of political debate. One thing is certain however: social policies during the 1980s tended to expose and exacerbate the ugliest possible aspects of very basic "want". In this way public opinion was made uncompromisingly aware of the nature and incidence of poverty, the indubitable signs of an unequal nation.

International audience ; It is useful to suggest that the history of measuring poverty between 1942 and 1990 follows three phases. For twenty years after Beveridge there was no point in measuring poverty since it had been taken care of by the thriving welfare state. The next phase, during which poverty was "rediscovered" in the midst of plenty, witnessed genuine attempts to assess and quantify relative deprivation. Poverty was considered in terms of a new set of dynamics. The last phase, during the Thatcher years, is for some critics the most shameful: there was ample proof that poverty was widespread and that the most vulnerable categories were being marginalized even further by the government's pursuit of market orientated policies. Whether the Thatcher Governments were right or wrong is a subject of political debate. One thing is certain however: social policies during the 1980s tended to expose and exacerbate the ugliest possible aspects of very basic "want". In this way public opinion was made uncompromisingly aware of the nature and incidence of poverty, the indubitable signs of an unequal nation.

This article adopts an analysis that explicitly politicises poverty and relates it to the concrete history of racialised capitalism and structural inequality that defined colonialism and apartheid and continues to persist and intensify in "post"-apartheid South Africa. Rather than formulating racialised poverty in legalist, economist or managerial terms, it should rather be understood as a form of oppression that comprises exploitation, marginalisation, powerlessness, cultural imperialism and violence. Such a formulation would make social structure, historical injustice and power central and would also allow for poverty to be grasped beyond a purely distributive logic by bringing to light the non-distributive, non-economic dimensions of poverty. Comprehending poverty in this way, as not only a question of economic distribution and empowerment, but also one of ethical, moral and even ontological recognition necessitates an enquiry into the emancipatory force of rights. Given their centrality in political and social discourse and in legal scholarship on poverty, it is worth considering whether and to what extent rights can be utilised in the struggle against (racialised) poverty.

The closing chapter in the opening section on 'The Nature of Poverty' in Poverty in Scotland 2021, the latest in a series providing an essential resource for politicians, policy makers, teachers, community activists, service providers, academics, students and all those working to end poverty. Here, we consider the causes of poverty.

The German Sociologist Ulrich Beck is best known for his book "Risk Society" which has been discussed extensively; however Beck's claims about modern poverty have not received the same attention among poverty researchers. The individualization perspective views poverty as a relatively transient phenomenon and the democratization perspective views the risk of poverty as spread equally in the population. Both perspectives challenge the mainstream tradition of class analysis, and therefore both view poverty as largely independent of traditional stratification factors. In this article, I argue that Beck's thesis about the individualization and democratization of poverty is based on narrow income based definitions and that (possible) empirical verification depends on the definitions of poverty and approaches used to examine poverty. My analyses show that the dynamic perspective (using income as measure of poverty) largely supports the democratization of poverty. But my other analyses of relative poverty and social exclusion do not support Beck's argument.

Childhood in an underdeveloped environment is a stage of life very likely to be overshadowed by poverty. The main aim of this study is to look at the development of child poverty in the comparative angle. The study seeks to detect connections between child poverty and the implemented family policies. Discussion include an overview of family policies in different welfare state models, specification of the goals of the study, report of the results of the empirical analysis, and discussion of the implications of the empirical results on child poverty in OECD countries.