Suchergebnisse

Intro -- CONTENTS -- ABSTRACT -- ACKNOWLEDGMENTS -- ACRONYMS AND ABBREVIATIONS -- EXECUTIVE SUMMARY -- 1. Introduction -- PART 1-THE MAGNITUDE AND CAUSES OF POVERTY -- 2. Poverty and Social Indicators of "The Problem" -- 3. The Determinants of Poverty and Inequality: Endowments and Household Characteristics -- 4. Historical and Contextual Factors -- PART 2-KEY CHALLENGE: BUILDING OPPORTUNITIES AND ASSETS -- 5. Growth and Poverty -- 6. Livelihoods, Labor Markets, and Rural Poverty -- 7. Education and Poverty -- 8. Health, Malnutrition, and Poverty -- 9. Basic Utility Services and Poverty -- PART 3-KEY CHALLENGE: REDUCING VULNERABILITY -- 11. Vulnerability and Vulnerable Groups -- 12. Social Protection, Private Transfers, and Poverty -- PART 4-KEY CHALLENGE: EMPOWERMENT -- 13. Building Institutions and Empowering Communities -- PART 5-CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS -- 14. Priority Actions to Reduce Poverty -- Annexes -- References -- LIST OF TABLES -- LIST OF BOXES -- LIST OF FIGURES -- TECHNICAL BACKGROUND PAPERS.

A diet is considered balanced when it contains adequate amounts of carbohydrates, proteins, fats, vitamins, minerals, fiber and water. A well balanced diet fulfills an individual's daily metabolic requirements. In order to live a healthy life one must eat a balanced diet at all times, and to eat a balanced diet one should incorporate a variety of foods in one's daily routine. Complications arise when these daily nutritional requirements are not met, and over a prolonged period of time certain diseases arise as a result of absolute deficiency or excess of one or more essential nutrients. Malnutrition is a common condition caused by poorly balanced diet or a diet that is unable to meet an individual's daily nutritional needs. It often manifests in children and in poverty-stricken areas. The major forms of malnutrition are undernutrition, overnutrition, imbalance and specific deficiency. According to WHO guidelines, a balanced diet must contain sixty percent of carbohydrates, twenty percent of proteins, ten percent of fats and remaining percentage of vitamins and minerals. The sources from which one can obtain certain nutrients solely depend on one's socioeconomic background status. Poverty is the main reason behind malnutrition in Pakistan, especially in the rural areas of Sindh and Punjab. The factors that lead towards malnutrition are closely intertwined with geopolitical, social and economical conditions of an individual. According to National Nutrition Survey Pakistan, thirty-one percent of children are underweight, forty-three percent have stunted growth, fifteen percent show wasting, fifty percent are anemic and almost all of them live in poverty. Complications like stunted growth, mental retardation and poor health in children are common. The data also shows that the young children are most vulnerable to malnutrition and majority of children under the age of five are severely affected. Chronic diseases like kwashiorkor, marasmus, anemia and several vitamin deficiencies develop at an early stage of life. Inadequate food intake, poor food habits and scarcity of food leads towards such dire conditions of children in rural areas of Pakistan. Socioeconomic status of these children hinders their growth as their families are unable to provide them with proper nutrition. Their bodies require proper nutrition and diet to grow. Disproportionate diet and deficiency of certain nutrients result in a variety of complications and diseases. Deficiency of vitamin A can cause eye problems, similarly deficiency of vitamin B complex can result in impaired mental health development, weakness and anemia. Vitamin C deficiency causes scurvy and vitamin D deficient diet can cause rickets in children. Several minerals like calcium, iron, sodium, iodine and magnesium are also vital for one's life. Deficiencies of such vital minerals can result in tetany, goiter and several other problems as well. Poor socioeconomic background and ever increasing inflation rate of the country makes it impossible for an impoverished family to fulfill it's basic nutritional requirement. More than sixty percent of rural population live below poverty line in Pakistan. They are unable to afford and buy meat or fruits on regular basis. Their staple diet consists mainly of carbohydrates and some fats. Meat, fruits and some Vegetables are too expensive for an individual to buy and almost out of their reach. From the very beginning a child is deprived of essential micronutrients and macronutrients unintentionally. Poor maternal health also contributes towards the problem. Mothers who are malnourished at the time of their child's birth, can experience several complications. It can result in abortion, premature birth, low birth weight of the baby or the baby could face problems such as mental retardation and developmental difficulties. Malnourished mothers are also unable to breastfeed their children without risking their own nutritional status. Lack of knowledge and lack of resources also contribute towards such pathological conditions. Half of the problem would be solved if one knew the importance of nutrition in one's daily life. A proper diet should include all the essential nutrients. If meat or fruits are out of reach, one can resort to less expensive but fulfilling alternates. Protein's main sources are meat, poultry and dairy products. Nonetheless, proteins can also be obtained from legumes, grains and several green vegetables, which are less expensive and easily available. Health education and information can be provided to people that will allow them to make healthy choices. Government should also play it's part and help them reach their goal, and eradicate malnutrition from the country.

Child poverty is an epidemic in most developing countries, and also exists in developed countries, including Australia. In many developed countries the official definition of poverty used for statistical purposes is based on relative income. More than 30% of children in developing countries about 600 million live on less than US $1 a day. Every 3.6 seconds one person dies of starvation, usually it is a child under the age of 5. Poverty hits children hardest and creates an environment that is damaging to childrens development in every way mental, physical, emotional and spiritual. UNICEF recently released a report comparing life for children in 24 OECD countries. Australia ranked second from the bottom, with 12% of this nations children living in households where the total income was less than half the countrys median; 10% of the child population lives in households where no adult is employed; many will have only one parent and, as two-thirds of single parents have left school by the end of year 10, these children are likely to become part of a generational cycle of poverty. This book examines child poverty from a global and Australian perspective. What can be done to give impoverished children a better chance in life?

This article adopts an analysis that explicitly politicises poverty and relates it to the concrete history of racialised capitalism and structural inequality that defined colonialism and apartheid and continues to persist and intensify in "post"-apartheid South Africa. Rather than formulating racialised poverty in legalist, economist or managerial terms, it should rather be understood as a form of oppression that comprises exploitation, marginalisation, powerlessness, cultural imperialism and violence. Such a formulation would make social structure, historical injustice and power central and would also allow for poverty to be grasped beyond a purely distributive logic by bringing to light the non-distributive, non-economic dimensions of poverty. Comprehending poverty in this way, as not only a question of economic distribution and empowerment, but also one of ethical, moral and even ontological recognition necessitates an enquiry into the emancipatory force of rights. Given their centrality in political and social discourse and in legal scholarship on poverty, it is worth considering whether and to what extent rights can be utilised in the struggle against (racialised) poverty.

International audience ; It is useful to suggest that the history of measuring poverty between 1942 and 1990 follows three phases. For twenty years after Beveridge there was no point in measuring poverty since it had been taken care of by the thriving welfare state. The next phase, during which poverty was "rediscovered" in the midst of plenty, witnessed genuine attempts to assess and quantify relative deprivation. Poverty was considered in terms of a new set of dynamics. The last phase, during the Thatcher years, is for some critics the most shameful: there was ample proof that poverty was widespread and that the most vulnerable categories were being marginalized even further by the government's pursuit of market orientated policies. Whether the Thatcher Governments were right or wrong is a subject of political debate. One thing is certain however: social policies during the 1980s tended to expose and exacerbate the ugliest possible aspects of very basic "want". In this way public opinion was made uncompromisingly aware of the nature and incidence of poverty, the indubitable signs of an unequal nation.

International audience ; It is useful to suggest that the history of measuring poverty between 1942 and 1990 follows three phases. For twenty years after Beveridge there was no point in measuring poverty since it had been taken care of by the thriving welfare state. The next phase, during which poverty was "rediscovered" in the midst of plenty, witnessed genuine attempts to assess and quantify relative deprivation. Poverty was considered in terms of a new set of dynamics. The last phase, during the Thatcher years, is for some critics the most shameful: there was ample proof that poverty was widespread and that the most vulnerable categories were being marginalized even further by the government's pursuit of market orientated policies. Whether the Thatcher Governments were right or wrong is a subject of political debate. One thing is certain however: social policies during the 1980s tended to expose and exacerbate the ugliest possible aspects of very basic "want". In this way public opinion was made uncompromisingly aware of the nature and incidence of poverty, the indubitable signs of an unequal nation.

International audience ; It is useful to suggest that the history of measuring poverty between 1942 and 1990 follows three phases. For twenty years after Beveridge there was no point in measuring poverty since it had been taken care of by the thriving welfare state. The next phase, during which poverty was "rediscovered" in the midst of plenty, witnessed genuine attempts to assess and quantify relative deprivation. Poverty was considered in terms of a new set of dynamics. The last phase, during the Thatcher years, is for some critics the most shameful: there was ample proof that poverty was widespread and that the most vulnerable categories were being marginalized even further by the government's pursuit of market orientated policies. Whether the Thatcher Governments were right or wrong is a subject of political debate. One thing is certain however: social policies during the 1980s tended to expose and exacerbate the ugliest possible aspects of very basic "want". In this way public opinion was made uncompromisingly aware of the nature and incidence of poverty, the indubitable signs of an unequal nation.

Much popular belief--and public policy--rests on the idea that those born into poverty have it in their power to escape. But the persistence of poverty and ever-growing economic inequality around the world have led many economists to seriously question the model of individual economic self-determination when it comes to the poor. In Poverty Traps, Samuel Bowles, Steven Durlauf, Karla Hoff, and the book's other contributors argue that there are many conditions that may trap individuals, groups, and whole economies in intractable poverty. For the first time the editors have brought together the

This article adopts an analysis that explicitly politicises poverty and relates it to the concrete history of racialised capitalism and structural inequality that defined colonialism and apartheid and continues to persist and intensify in "post"-apartheid South Africa. Rather than formulating racialised poverty in legalist, economist or managerial terms, it should rather be understood as a form of oppression that comprises exploitation, marginalisation, powerlessness, cultural imperialism and violence. Such a formulation would make social structure, historical injustice and power central and would also allow for poverty to be grasped beyond a purely distributive logic by bringing to light the non-distributive, non-economic dimensions of poverty. Comprehending poverty in this way, as not only a question of economic distribution and empowerment, but also one of ethical, moral and even ontological recognition necessitates an enquiry into the emancipatory force of rights. Given their centrality in political and social discourse and in legal scholarship on poverty, it is worth considering whether and to what extent rights can be utilised in the struggle against (racialised) poverty.