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Wu, Ka Ming. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2000. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 155-163). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Abstract --- p.i-iii ; Table of Content --- p.iv-v ; Abbreviations --- p.vi ; Chapter Chapter One --- Introduction: Women and Poverty in Hong Kong --- p.1 ; Poor Women: Where and Who are They? ; Research Purpose and Questions ; Research Methodology ; Some Research Reflections ; Chapter Chapter Two --- "Engendering the Question of Poverty: Power in Economy, State and Discourse" --- p.14 ; Women and Development under Economic Globalization ; Working Daughters Getting Old: The Hong Kong Case ; Hong Kong in the International Political Economy ; Poor Women: The Opposition of Workers and Citizens ; Welfare Perspectives: Three Different Theoretical Streams ; The Political Economy of Welfare State ; Feminist Critique of Welfare State ; Poor Women and Welfare Services in Hong Kong ; The Genealogy of Modern Power: Foucault on Power and Discourse ; Discourse Analysis ; Ideology versus Truth ; The Power of Gaze ; The Welfare Cut: The Poor as Objects of State Intervention ; Power/ Knowledge ; Chapter Chapter Three --- poor Women as Product of Economic Development: Changing Role of Hong Kong in the Global Economy --- p.45 ; Changing Role of Hong Kong in the Global Economy ; Poor Women after Economic Restructuring ; Reproductive Work Positions: Sliding Ranks and Salaries ; No Jobs for Poor Mothers ; Working Poor Mothers: Reconciling Paid Work and Family Responsibility ; Familialism and the Incorporation of Women as Labor ; Capitalist Production of Familialism ; The Matron Workers in the 1970s vs the Disabled Women in the 1990s ; Entering the Information Age in the late 1990s: Poor Women and Development ; Conclusion ; Chapter Chapter Four --- "Women, Poverty and the Welfare System in Hong Kong " --- p.72 ; Concern of Hong Kong Social Policy ; The Myth of Lassie-faire in Social Welfare ; Productivity: Philosophy of Hong Kong Social Welfare ; Single Mothers as Study ...

Lau Chui-shan. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2001. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 115-122). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Abstract --- p.i-iii ; Acknowledgements --- p.iv ; Table of Contents --- p.v ; List of Illustrations --- p.vi ; Notes on Romanization --- p.vii ; Chapter 1. --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.1 --- Reviews of Existing Literature ; Chapter 1.2 --- Review of Materials used for this research topic ; Chapter 1.3 --- Organization of the thesis ; Chapter 2. --- Power Structure of the Old Market Town: The Build Up of Lineage Power- --- p.18 ; Chapter 2.1 --- The Development of the Tang Lineage in the Yuen Long Area ; Chapter 2.2 --- The Establishment of Yuen Long Market Town ; Chapter 2.3 --- Sphere of Influence ; Chapter 2.4 --- The Operational Period of the Old Yuen Long Market Town ; Chapter 2.5 --- Conclusion ; Chapter 3. --- Imposition of an Alien Administration --- p.36 ; Chapter 3.1 --- The Early Period of British Leased New Territories ; Chapter 3.2 --- The Opposition from the Local Powers of the New Territories ; Chapter 3.3 --- The Administrative Policy of the British Hong Kong Government in the New Territories ; Chapter 3.4 --- Conclusion ; Chapter 4. --- Emergence of the New Market Town --- p.58 ; Chapter 4.1 --- The Formation of a New Alliance ; Chapter 4.2 --- The Establishment and Development of the New Yuen Long Market Town ; Chapter 4.3 --- The Function of the Hop Yik Company ; Chapter 5. --- Adjustments in Town Management --- p.78 ; Chapter 5.1 --- The Improvement in Transportation and Communication and its influence on the area ; Chapter 5.2 --- The Development of Hop Yik Company ; Chapter 5.3 --- The Establishment of Heung Yee Kuk ; Chapter 6. --- Religion as Control --- p.91 ; Chapter 6.1 --- The Building of Market Temple ; Chapter 6.2 --- Tai Ping Qing Jiao ; Chapter 6.3 --- The Changing ritual organizer in Yuen Long ; Chapter 7. --- Conclusion: Redefining a Village Community --- p.101 ; Appendices --- p.108 ; Alphabetical ...

在過去的十年中,香港出現了大量呼籲保存「本地社區」的社會網絡和文化的社會運動。這些社會運動交織著對政府推行的市區重建項目和政府文物保育政策的批評。這些批評指出政府的政策過度重視經濟發展,進一步加深社會矛盾和弱勢群體的邊緣化。 ; 本論文中的社區博物館正是在香港資本主義的城市發展模式下催生而成。為了反對有關城市發展的官方話語和將自己的利益最大化,社區博物館中的各利益持份者,根據他們對當地的歷史和文化的解釋,各自建構他們關於「社區和地方文化」的話語。這些多元的「社區」話語在這個社區博物館的構成,揭示了來自不同社會背景的團體之間的角力。本論文指出該社區博物館的建立和運作,促使分屬各社會階層的團體進行政治協商。他們各自的主張在社區博物館中交流,結果提出了有別於官方著眼經濟的「發展」模式,改以「社區」作本土文化的另一「發展」模式。這過程展示了不同社會階層間的權力流動,以及他們為加強自身的社會的政治影響力和爭奪經濟資源而展開的競爭。 ; In the past decade, numerous social movements have emerged in Hong Kong calling for the preservation of social networks and "cultures" of the "local community". These social movements have been interwoven with local critiques of the urban renewal projects and heritage conservation policies implemented by the government. The critiques point out that the government policies overweigh economic development and further increase social disparity and marginalization of disadvantaged groups. The community museum in this study was established in a capitalistic model of urban development in Hong Kong. Various stakeholders construct their own discourses of "community and local culture" in the community museum in order to oppose official discourses about urban development and maximize their own interests. Thus the making of the "community and local culture" in this community museum reveals a negotiation among the parties of different social background. ; This research argues that the establishment and operation of the community museum enable groups from different social segments to negotiate and construct their own discourses based on their interpretations of local history and culture. This research also showcases both the power dynamics of different social classes and their competition for their own socio-political influences and economic resources through proposing an alternative model of urban development. ; Detailed summary in vernacular field only. ; Detailed summary in vernacular field only. ; Tsang, Ching Yi. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2013. ; Includes bibliographical references ...

It is generally acknowledged that Europe will not be a super power in the sense of a political-military ensemble on an equal footing with the United States or China. Europeans reject this possibility across the board. Moreover, even if they wanted to go that route, wouldn't it expose them to reproducing on a European scale what they have struggled to combat amongst themselves: the idea of becoming a great power with all the attributes of force and supremacy that such a project implies?So if Europe will not be a super power, how can it be a power at all? Probably by reinforcing what remains its major political resource: its capacity to produce and set up at the global level a system of norms as broad-sweeping as possible that can organize the world, discipline the interplay of its actors, introduce predictability in their behavior, develop among them a sense of collective responsibility, and offer those who engage on this path, particularly the weakest, at least the partial possibility to use these norms as an argument/force* against all, including the world's most powerful.The task may seem colossal, even outrageous. It probably is, but does Europe have any other choice but to assume its responsibility as a normative power? Probably not.[publisher's website]

It is generally acknowledged that Europe will not be a super power in the sense of a political-military ensemble on an equal footing with the United States or China. Europeans reject this possibility across the board. Moreover, even if they wanted to go that route, wouldn't it expose them to reproducing on a European scale what they have struggled to combat amongst themselves: the idea of becoming a great power with all the attributes of force and supremacy that such a project implies?So if Europe will not be a super power, how can it be a power at all? Probably by reinforcing what remains its major political resource: its capacity to produce and set up at the global level a system of norms as broad-sweeping as possible that can organize the world, discipline the interplay of its actors, introduce predictability in their behavior, develop among them a sense of collective responsibility, and offer those who engage on this path, particularly the weakest, at least the partial possibility to use these norms as an argument/force* against all, including the world's most powerful.The task may seem colossal, even outrageous. It probably is, but does Europe have any other choice but to assume its responsibility as a normative power? Probably not.[publisher's website]

香港基進政治組織人民力量放棄以激進方式表達訴求,改以「快樂抗爭」作為政治策略以吸引大量群眾參與,並形成可觀的政治力量施予政府政治壓力。人民力量雖然以基進組織自居,何以取「快樂抗爭」作為它的政治策略呢?在此論文會仔細討論「快樂抗爭」如何以喜慶節日之感,讓與者用以直接抗爭為手法,承擔昂貴的政治成本來表達訴求,代之以輕鬆快之手段鼓動更多公眾參與。同一時間,縱使情緒搧動可以直接鼓動民眾與政治運動,然而情緒也有不智的一面。為了讓參與者宣洩他們的不滿,減低運動失控的情況,人民力量採納具有浄化作用的「快樂抗爭」作為它的抗爭手段。以下文章同時採用質性及質量硏究,以明情緒在社會運動中扮演的角色。 ; People Power, a radical group in Hong Kong, abandoned their disruptive approach, and adopted a new tactic of social movementjoyous resistancewhich attracted large numbers of participants. In this way, People Power became an influential political lever, exerting great pressure on the government. Why did this radical political party, People Power, abandon its stance of resistance through physical confrontation, and opt for a moderate approach, joyous resistance, to express their anger and voice their grievances at the government and at the group's antagonists? The shift in tactics has certainly been a successful one, attracting the attention of the public and helped a marginalized radical political party, People Power, to win three seats in 2012 Legislative Council Election. Although traditional theories of social movements have largely neglected the importance of emotion, the case of People Power shows that festive emotion can be an intangible resource to reduce the cost of participation when compared with confrontational tactics. The cathartic function of joyous resistance also reduces the potential for violence when People Power uses emotional appeals to mobilize the masses. In this thesis the concept of joyous resistance is introduced and the salient role of emotion in social movements is discussed, using case studies on People Power, the League of Social Democrats, the Democratic Party and the Civic Human Rights Front. Both quantitative and qualitative analysis will be conducted for the following thesis. ; Detailed summary in vernacular field only. ; Ng, Vitrierat. ; Thesis (Ph.D.) Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2014. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 207-215). ; Abstracts also in Chinese; appendixes ...

顔鳳儀. ; 論文(哲學碩士) -- 香港中文大學硏究院政治與行政學部, 1998. ; 參考文獻: leaves 127-139. ; 中英文摘要. ; Yan Fengyi. ; Chapter 第一章 --- 導言 --- p.1-6 ; Chapter 一、 --- 研究重點 --- p.2-3 ; Chapter 二、 --- 研究原因 --- p.3-4 ; Chapter 三、 --- 硏究方法 ; Chapter 甲、 --- 硏究性質 --- p.4-5 ; Chapter 乙、 --- 資料來源 --- p.5 ; Chapter 第二章 --- 評述權力均衡理論及探討基辛格 對均勢外交理念的構想 --- p.7-26 ; Chapter 一、 --- 權力均衡理論 ; Chapter 甲、 --- 現實主義學說 --- p.7-9 ; Chapter 乙、 --- 權力均衡理論槪念之釐淸 --- p.9-16 ; Chapter 二、 --- 均勢外交理念的構想 ; Chapter 甲、 --- 尼克遜與基辛格在七十年代 制定美國外交政策的關鍵角色 --- p.17-19 ; Chapter 乙、 --- 均勢外交之構想 --- p.20-26 ; Chapter 三、 --- 分析架構 --- p.26 ; Chapter 第三章 --- 歷史史實的描述 --- p.27-61 ; Chapter 一、 --- 釣魚台的歷史背景 ; Chapter 甲、 --- 一九七二年前的釣魚台歷史背景 --- p.27-33 ; Chapter 乙、 --- 九十年代的釣魚台事件 --- p.33-35 ; Chapter 二、 --- 一九七二年前的中、美、日、台的關係 ; Chapter 甲、 --- 七十年代前的中美關係 --- p.36-42 ; Chapter 乙、 --- 七十年代前的美日關係 --- p.43-49 ; Chapter 丙、 --- 七十年代前的的中日關係 --- p.50-54 ; Chapter 丁、 --- 轉變中的中、美、日關係 --- p.55-61 ; Chapter 第四章 --- 運用權力均衡槪念去剖析釣魚台事件 --- p.62-116 ; Chapter 一、 --- 美國一一「均勢體系」中的「均衡者」 --- p.62-79 ; Chapter 甲、 --- 引言 --- p.62 ; Chapter 乙、 --- 聯中制蘇 --- p.62-63 ; Chapter 丙、 --- 釣魚台事件 ; Chapter 1. --- 釣魚台對美國國防的重要性 --- p.64 ; Chapter 2. --- 安撫日本 --- p.65-66 ; Chapter 3. --- 均勢戰略考慮的長遠計謀 ; Chapter (I) --- 遏制中國 --- p.67-74 ; Chapter (II) --- 制約日本 --- p.75-77 ; Chapter 丁、 --- 小結 --- p.77-79 ; Chapter 二、 --- 日本一一「均勢體系」中的「從屬者」 --- p.80-95 ; Chapter 甲、 --- 引言 --- p.80 ; Chapter 乙、 --- 釣魚台對日本國防及經濟的重要性 --- p.80-82 ; Chapter 丙、 --- 日本謀求成爲亞洲政治及軍事大國之野心 ; Chapter 1. --- 美蘇冷戰格局下日本經濟迅速復興, 在九十年代成爲第二經濟大國 --- p.82-83 ; Chapter 2. --- 日本經濟蓬勃發展後, 日本出現謀求成爲政治大國的野心 --- p.83-84 ; Chapter 3 . --- 新保守主義思潮的興起 --- p.84-87 ; Chapter 4 . --- 日本謀求成爲政治及軍事大國的障礙 --- p.87-89 ; Chapter 5 . --- 日本明白美日同盟的重要性 --- p.89-91 ; Chapter 丁、 --- 九六年日本遏制中國時機之來臨 ; Chapter 1 . --- 《美日安保條約》的重新訂位 --- p.91-93 ; Chapter 2 . --- 橋本內閣的重組 --- p.93-94 ; Chapter 戊、 --- 小結 --- p.94-95 ; Chapter 三) --- 台灣一一「均勢體系」的「從屬者」 --- p.96-104 ; Chapter 甲、 --- 引言 --- p.96 ; Chapter 乙、 --- 七十年代台灣低調處理釣魚台事件之分析 --- p.97-98 ; Chapter 丙、 --- 九十年代台灣低調處理釣魚台事件之分析 ; Chapter 1. --- 釣魚事件牽涉了兩岸關係 --- ...

Tsui, Sing Yan Eric. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2008. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 135-145). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Chapter Chapter 1. --- Concern on State-Business Relations ; Introduction: Political Debates on State-Business Relations ; Theorietical Debates on State-Business Relations ; Cipher State Models ; Guardian State Models ; Partisan State Models ; Theories on Hong Kong´ةs Situation ; Synarchy and Administrative Absorption ; Boundary Politics and Bureaucratic Politics ; Overview ; Chapter Chapter 2. --- Power and Network ; The Problem of Power ; Dahl and his Critics ; Power and Networks ; "Power, Brokerage and Closure" ; Centrality and Power ; Lessons from Social Capital Studies ; Brokerage and Closure as Indicators of Power ; Conclusions ; Chapter Chapter 3. --- Methodology and Research Design ; Concepts of the Study ; Data Collection and Research Design ; Executive Council as Decision Making Network ; Measuring Social Linkages ; "Measuring Brokerage, Closure and Power" ; Assessing the Business Community ; Comparing State and Business Power ; Chapter Chapter 4. --- Research Findings ; The Network of Executive Councilors ; The Network of HSIC firms ; HSIC firms´ةs representative in Executive Council ; Comparing the Power of the State and Prominent Business ; Summary of Findings ; Chapter Chapter 5. --- State-Business Relations from 1982 to 1988: On the Edge of Transformations ; Findings in the Period ; Events in the Period ; The Problem of Political Future ; Beijing-Business Relations ; Localization of the Business Community ; Impacts of the Events ; Impacts from the role of Sovereigns ; Impacts from Localization of the Business Sector ; Summary ; Chapter Chapter 6. --- State-Business Relations from 1989 to 1996: Transition and Transformations ; Findings in the Period ; Events in the Period ; Changes in British Policy ; The Strengthening of Beijing-Business Alliance ; Impacts of the Events ; The Pushing Effect of London´ةs Policies ; The Pulling ...